Thursday 7 July 2022

The Tanzanian Government Keeps Escalating its War Against the Maasai in Loliondo

 

-After decades of land rights struggle in Loliondo in defence of 1,500 km2 of vitally important grazing land that’s legally registered village land, the Tanzanian government has with demented brutality and lawlessness, in violation of court orders, less than two weeks before expected ruling (which was postponed), illegally planted beacons to demarcate the land.

 

-Minister Pindi Chana has, against every law and procedure, a week after the illegal and very violent operation started, “gazetted” a fake and illegal “Pololeti Game Controlled Area”.

 

-Government officials have kept landing in helicopter to, as from the warfront, say that the exercise is going just fine and is participatory, at the same time as issuing threats and clapping to war songs performed by massive security forces.

 

-The Maasai landowners and their livestock are suffering mostly untold abuse. Independent press is blocked from the area and does not exist in Tanzania anyway.

 

-Nine councillors and the CCM District Chairman were arrested the day before the illegal demarcation started and have together with 15 (or now 17) other people been charged with the murder of a FFU officer who was killed after the local leaders were locked up.

 

-Hundreds of Maasai have been injured, at least 31 seriously, and  thousands have fled to Kenya.

 

-In areas of Malambo, and elsewhere, the Maasai are being chased away from their homes.

 

-The this time without any exception anti-Maasai expressions among government supporters make this the most dangerous attack so far, but also more Tanzanians than ever before are aware of what’s happening and expressing their support for the Maasai.

 

-Then started mass arrests of Maasai accused of being so-called “Kenyans”, arson of seasonal bomas, and illegal mass seizing of livestock.  

 

-The government, that already has the huge Serengeti National Park, is lawless, boundaryless and brutal in satisfying the thirst for Maasai land by the conservation-tourism industrial complex, in this case OBC that organises hunting for Sheikh Mohammed of Dubai.

 

- Where is over 70-years old Oriais Oleng'iyo who was last seen injured and detained by security forces on 10th June?

Illegal beacon in Arash.

 

Updates at the end of the blog post. 


The Tanzanian government in its effort to alienate Maasai land in Loliondo has committed illegal mass arson operations in 2009 and 2017, and a local police state has for many years now been in force to silence anyone who could speak up about investors that don’t respect land rights (OBC and the American Thomson Safaris) but the current illegal demarcation operation is the worst threat so far and I’ve written about it in two blog posts that have then been updated. 8th June and 19th June.


Currently it’s hard to keep up with all violence and lies, and I may have missed something significant.

 

In this blog post:

The government’s huge and shameless lie

Pre-emptive illegal arrests and trumped-up charges

The violence

Government showing off its own crime

Support

Government not getting support from its international allies

Don’t confuse Loliondo with NCA, just don't

Traitors

Tourism as state religion

Summary of previous efforts to rob the Maasai of 1,500 km2 in Loliondo

 

The government’s huge and shameless lie

In the morning of 8th June, massive joint security forces, most visibly the anti-riot Field Force Unit, had gathered in Wasso town and set off to set up camp in Oloosek area of Ololosokwan, in Sanjan sub-village of Malambo, Soit Orgoss in Oloipiri, and Olchoroibor in Loosoito, while some forces camped at the DC's office. On 14th June, another camp was set up in the Emoyokwa area of Arash.

 

Information surfaced that on 2nd and 6th June, the Arusha Regional and Ngorongoro District Security Committees had held closed-door meetings in Arusha and Karatu. In connection with this RC Mongella had recorded a clip “explaining” the exercise with some absurd lies that were unquestioningly shared all over regular Tanzanian media. The government had picked up the old lie, used by Kagasheki in 2013, until even then PM Pinda had to recognise that it just didn’t correspond with reality. This lie is to claim that the whole 4,000 km2 Loliondo hunting block (the whole of Loliondo division and Malambo and Piyaya wards in Sale division) is a “protected area” that has been “encroached” and that the government out of the kindness of its heart is “giving” the Maasai 2,500 km2 while only “keeping” 1,500 km2. The whole 4,000 km2 has been customary owned land since before colonial times and was further protected through Local Government (District Authorities) Act, 1982 and Village Land Act No. 5 of 1999, and is without any kind of doubt legally registered village land. The lie is based on that the land was since the 1950s also a so-called Game Controlled Area that regulated hunting but didn’t interfere with local land use in any way and until Wildlife Conservation Act 2009, that came into operation in 2010, could totally overlap with village land. The Loliondo GCA is now defunct, but there have been attempts, funded by OBC, to convert their 1,500 km2 favourite hunting area into a new kind of GCA that’s the same as a Game Reserve, and does not allow any Maasai land use. All such attempts have been strongly rejected by local Maasai and relevant authorities. Believing such a lie is the same as believing that the district headquarters and the DC office have “encroached” on a protected area. Anyone who takes it seriously either supports the demented violence or is a coward who wants to use “it’s complex” as an excuse not to speak up.

 





Not only did Mongella stand there in his clip repeating the shameless lie, but he also claimed that the demarcation exercise was “participatory”. He of course knew that the response from the Maasai since when he first started announcing the threat in January this year could not have been clearer, that nobody has ever agreed to hand over the land to the government, and illegal mass arrests of local leaders (see below) the following day further showed how very well Mongella knew that he was lying.

 

In Ololosokwan, and elsewhere, people gathered to pray, protest, and deliberate what action to take. These meetings continued the following day, 9th June, and were gate-crashed by armed FFU officers “explaining” that they would demarcate the 1,500 km2 to turn it into a game reserve.





 

In Kirtalo women with pangas and men with bows and arrows made a video clip as a message to show that they were ready to die for their land. A very clear message for PM Majaliwa, which he chose to ignore.

 


In parliament on 10th June when violence was exploding, PM Majaliwa (known for his glowing reports on Magufuli’s health when the president was probably already dead) claimed that beacons were being placed to protect the environment and that the local Maasai would “not be affected”. He warned people of ill will who are spreading a video with false information, referring to the clip from Kirtalo, saying that the Maasai weren’t pointing their arrows at any police, while missing the point that it was a message sent to himself. Speaker Tulia Ackson, said that the government had explained the operation, that those spreading false information would be dealt with, and that Tanzania is in an economic war with other countries. Another liar, Arusha RC Mongella, later (see below) tried to justify the PM’s behaviour with that he made the announcements before the FFU officer had been killed.

 

On 15th June, five days after the violent attack on the Maasai had started, Deputy Permanent Representative to the Tanzania Mission to the UN in Geneva, Hoyce Temu, lied in the most malicious way from start to finish denying any state violence, claiming that a 4,000 km2 reserved area had been encroached and that the government in peaceful talks with local residents had agreed to divide the area and keep 1,500 km2 as a protected area, that a minority against the exercise made recordings while posing threateningly and combined this with unrelated pictures, that the government has called on anyone alleging to have been attacked to come forward for the law to take its course and for treatment, but that nobody has come forward. This ambassador later continued lying in a Zoom meeting, and probably in many other places that I haven’t kept up with.

 


On 17th June, the Tanzanian government organized its own demonstration using supposed Maasai without any relation to Loliondo, or Ngorongoro, to demonstrate outside the Kenyan embassy in Dar es Salaam thanking the government for dividing Loliondo so that the Maasai have a place to live(!), and accusing Kenyans and NGOs of inciting conflict. Later it was found that people had been told that 150 Maasai were needed to go and sing for some white people at Dar Free Market Mall and would get 20,000 shillings each. Some Parakuyo Maasai gathered, but most fled when they saw what was being cooked.

 





Authentic Maasai youths in Dar es Salaam issued a statement to denounce the fake demonstration, but were of course not covered by any of the regular press. 






Tanzanian press kept quoting the rector for College of African Wildlife Management Mweka, Prof. Jafari Kideghesho’s lies about the “downsizing” of a protected area in Loliondo. This liar also participated in making the genocidal MLUM review proposal for NCA, as did the Director of Wildlife, Maurus Msuha, who also has been very active lying about Loliondo.

 

Deputy Minister Masanja, Minister of Constitution and Legal Affairs Ndumbaro, Director of Wildlife, Msuha, and Minister of Foreign Affairs Mulamula on 21st June, stood in front of spineless diplomats telling their blood-soaked, easy to debunk, lies about Loliondo, and about Ngorongoro Conservation Area. In a clip shared by the Tanzanian government, Ndumbaro totally manipulates the diplomats (not shown but heard) making them stand up in silence for the slain FFU officer, clap, and giggle. He lectures them that there aren’t any indigenous people in Tanzania, that nobody owns land, and that human rights aren’t the same in Africa as in Europe, since there are “human and people’s rights”, which I think would mean more rights, but to Ndumbaro it justifies human rights crimes. He talks about a conflict between environmental interests and grazing, but it’s obvious that if had the Maasai used their land in some other way, less compatible with wildlife, they would not now be suffering all this abuse. Ndumbaro shamelessly directs himself to the British high commissioner, thanking the British for having made Loliondo into a protected area that lasts until today – which is the big lie – and the diplomats just laugh and clap. Though maybe this time they had asked not to feature in photos, to avoid situations like in March, when the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism declared that the German ambassador supported their “efforts” in Ngorongoro (still not publicly denied by the ambassador). The ministry did however show off the UAE ambassador, and the following day the French ambassador lent himself to a most deplorable spectacle.

 


Masanja, Ndumbaro and UAE ambassador Khalifa Abdul Rahman Al Marzouqi



In a government propaganda meeting on Zoom on 22nd June, in which they kept repeating the same lies, Minister of Natural Resources and Tourism, Pindi Chana, went as far as claiming to on 17th June having gazetted the 1,500 km2 into a “Pololeti GCA”– after a week of war against the Maasai, with local leaders illegally arrested, charged with murder for a death the day after they were arrested, and others in hiding. Until then, the government had been talking about a Game Reserve, but finally decided to create a GCA on another GCA, since their lie is that Loliondo Game Controlled Area still exists and is a protected area. The French ambassador participated making some pointless comments about France. He could have been uninformed and not understanding the language, if it weren’t because just the day before diplomats were told the government’s lies in English. On 29th June, the director of wildlife, Maurus Msuha, held another press conference insisting on the same lies.

 

Two areas, as in the genocidal MLUM review proposal.

On 29th June, a group of anti-Maasai religious leaders was announced, led by businessman Azim Dewji (who also made an appearance in the Zoom meeting, sounding authentically stupid, trying to repeat government lies about Loliondo) and including the government favourite imposter, traditional leader Lekisongo. Not much was then heard about this group, except that it wasn’t welcomed in Ngorongoro ward, but Dewji reappeared on 5th July talking about peace and voluntary relocations from NCA. I may have to return to this individual.

Azim Dewji

 

A special mention among liars in the war against the Maasai of Loliondo goes to OBC’s journalist Manyerere Jackton. This year has seen his return to incitement against the Loliondo Maasai. The past years he’s parroted chief conservator Manongi’s rhetoric about NCA, but he lied low about Loliondo following the arrest of OBC’s director Mollel in 2019, after in over 60 articles having spewed out unhinged hate rhetoric against the Maasai of Loliondo and campaigned for taking the 1,500 km2 away from them. He has claimed that 70 percent of the Loliondo Maasai would not be Tanzanian, and published lists of hundreds of private persons that his “sources” consider to be “Kenyan” – which he returned to boasting about in his latest article on 28th June. His slandering of those speaking up for land rights, or those he thinks could speak up for land rights, has been vicious and insane. Besides this, he’s capable of fabricating any story for apparently no reason at all. This year, the Jamhuri joined Habib Mchange and Maulid Kitenge in their more recent media hate campaign against the Ngorongoro Maasai.

 

Even worse is that I’ve in the past experienced first-hand how Jackton likes to boast about being directly involved in arrests of innocent people. He’s been boasting quite publicly, published photos of the phones of those illegally arrested, and used to email me rude one-liners when someone was about to be arrested. This year I have however not been contacted by this “journalist”.

 

Also, OBC’s director Isaack Mollel himself has, after a couple of years of lying low, returned to sharing his views in the press, in at least two international articles. His message is that the president can change the land use anywhere in Tanzania to benefit the nation, naming a couple of brutal evictions operations to exemplify, adding that urban NGOs use the Maasai as milking cows (Toward Freedom), and (after the illegal operation had started) repeating the government’s lie about dividing the land while claiming that there’s no land scarcity in Tanzania (Financial Times).

 

On 5th July, when I finally was to publish this blog post, the same lies about Loliondo and NCA were parroted by the Minister of Lands, Housing and Human Settlements Developments, Angeline Mabula, Kennedy Gastorn, Tanzanian representative to the UN, Adelardus Kilangi, Tanzanian ambassador to Brazil, who thought Tanzania could learn from Brazil (!) opening a whole new chamber of  horrors, solicitor general, Gabriel Malata, and others. They must all be documented and taken to court.

 


See below for lies and threats by government officials while documenting their own crime, on the ground in Loliondo.

 

Two parliamentarians, both Maasai, have spoken up against the land grab operation.

On 20th June, Olesendeka, MP for Simanjiro, spoke up in parliament against the illegal operation in Loliondo and against Chana's talk about GCAs and game reserves on the 3rd when the minister had engaged in confused talk that would imply turning very extensive areas of the country into game reserves. He was viciously bullied by the speaker, Tulia Ackson, about law paragraphs. Deputy Minister Masanja lied that there aren't any people living in “those areas”, apparently meaning the old defunct game controlled areas, denying the existence of hundreds of thousands of Tanzanians.

 

On 22nd June, MP Emmanuel Oleshangai spoke up telling the national assembly in no uncertain terms that land in Loliondo is village land, that when we talk about land we talk about people’s lives, and that what's being done in Loliondo is a land grab that no person or village government has agreed to. He rejected several interventions by ignorant, or worse than ignorant, parliamentarians, one of them Ridhiwani Kikwete. I don’t know how the MP can keep calm and smiling in a house so full of evil. "I know there are people laughing here, but I am talking about the lives of my people, my grandparents, my fathers, my brothers and my younger siblings. It is their land”, he said.



In short, the government is robbing the Maasai of 1,500 km2 of mostly less densely populated grazing land, expecting them to squeeze into the remaining 2,500 km2 of the Loliondo hunting block where there are towns, agricultural areas, forests, a “private nature refuge”, and other land occupation, while shamelessly lying that this means that out of love they are “giving” the Maasai the 2,500 km2. Further, the government claims that the exercise is “participatory”, while arresting everyone who could speak up against it, which means basically every single Maasai in Loliondo, and this is what’s being done.

 

Pre-emptive illegal arrests and trumped-up charges

On 9th June, the day before the illegal demarcation started, the councillors of Ololosokwan, Oloipiri, Oloirien, Maaloni, Arash, Piyaya, Malambo, and two women’s special seats councillors, Kijoolu Kakiya and Taleng’o Leshoko were arrested. At least two of these councillors have until quite recently been working for OBC, against the people. After a CCM meeting they were interrogated by the District Security Committee, and then a special task force arrived to interrogate them individually. The Soitsambu councillor avoided attending the meeting. At midnight they were put in a vehicle and driven to an unknown destination that upon arrival was identified as a smaller police station in Arusha town, Chekereni, where they were interrogated regarding sedition - and not murder.

 

Nothing was known of the whereabouts of those illegally arrested/abducted until 16th June when they were sneaked to court without any legal representation and then locked up in Kisongo remand prison. The following day it was revealed that they, and ten other arrested people from Loliondo, had been charged with murder contrary to Section 196 of the Penal Code [Cap 16 R:E 2019] in the preliminary inquiry case No 11 of 2022. The murder concerned a FFU officer who was killed the day after the local leaders were arrested. Later three more people were added to the charges. The other group of ten were arrested on the 10th, not allowed to contact anyone and held for four days without being fed. They were tortured and accused of reporting about violence in Loliondo, interrogated on suspicion of spreading false information, but later they were told a murder charge had been found and they were re-interrogated for murder. One of those illegally arrested is a student, The case was up for mention in court on 30th June, but then it was postponed to 14th July for further “investigation”. Wilsong Kilong and Memusi Taki (Njoroi chairman) had been added to the charges, so now 25 people are victims of this idiocy. One new charge was added: “conspiracy to murder”. Then, on 5th July, Simon Saitoti, councillor of Ngorongoro ward in NCA, not Loliondo or Sale, was reportedly added to the charges, as was one older, injured man, but this requires confirmation.

 

The violence

The night before 10th June, the land grabbing forces started planting illegal beacons on village land in Ololosokwan. They Maasai uprooted the beacons and in the morning the FFU attacked them with teargas and live bullets. People were arrested and the FFU destroyed several motorbikes. The injured were taken across the border to Kenya for treatment, some needed surgery. The Ngorongoro MP later mentioned 31 serious injuries, and Kenyan doctors listed 128. The security forces inflicted bullet wounds, beatings, cuttings and stabbings. 



One of the attackers, a FFU officer, died (according to RC Mongella of arrowshot).

 

The over 70 years old Oriais Oleng'iyo who was last seen with bullet wounds and detained by the FFU was not on the list of those charged with murder and not found anywhere else. Where is he?

 









The illegal planting of beacons, shooting and tear gas continued the following day, in Ololosokwan and elsewhere. In Malambo and elderly man died when hit by a FFU vehicle. In the Oltulelei area of Maaloni, people were arrested and beaten, and the FFU set fire to three motorbikes.

 

On the 11th, at night the FFU fired shots in all directions in Mairowa in Ololosokwan, not in the 1,500 km2 area targeted by illegal demarcation. Houses were searched and people were beaten. The hunt was for those who had participated in protests and those who had shared photos of the government’s violent crimes. Many ran away into the bush to hide. More people fled to Kenya. Thousands of Tanzanians are currently refugees in Kenya. 

 

Kenyan Maasai have shown great solidary helping with hospital treatment and medicine, feeding and accommodating refugees, and organized protests.





On the 13th, MP Emmanuel Oleshangai confirmed that at least 31 people had been seriously injured in the demarcation exercise on village land, and that they are being treated in Kenya after being denied treatment at the Osero clinic in Ololosokwan for lacking the required PF3 form that the police are supposed to provide. He explained that the injured were his voters and not Kenyans. Further, the MP demanded the release of the detained leaders, and made clear that the operation is most definitely not "participatory" since even he had not been informed, despite sitting in the same parliament as the Minister of Natural Resources and Tourism.

 

The following day, the Ngorongoro MP was summoned to the police, and so were Olesendeka, MP of Simanjiro and Kitila Mkumbo, MP of Ubungo. The accusations were of incitement and what the three have in common is that they spoke up during the vicious anti-Maasai hatred in parliament in February. The MPs were questioned and released.

 

The FFU opened fire at the market in Oltulelei on 15th June, causing fear and panic. In Malambo as well were they firing shots into the air, and they beat up a motorbike rider whom they thought was following them.

 

The very illegal demarcation exercise in clouds of teargas continued. Besides the FFU, those participating in the crime are Tanzania Wildlife Authority (TAWA), Serengeti and Tanzania National Parks Authority (SENAPA/TANAPA), soldiers from Tanzania People’s Defence Force (JWTZ) that have a camp in Olopolun near Wasso since 2018, OBC’s anti-poaching, local police, and others. Eventually it became confused and hard to determine who was doing what.

 

With all this terrifying violence and lawlessness, there were big expectations for the ruling of the East African Court of Justice on 22nd June. Shockingly, just one day before the expected ruling, the court communicated that due to unavoidable circumstances the ruling had been postponed to September. This could just be another case of an overwhelming workload. The years of this court case have been filled of frustration of how everyone involved is too busy to give it the required dedication, but there’s a lingering unease that something more sinister could be at work. Remember that the court on 25th September 2018, issued an injunction restraining the government from evictions, destruction and harassment of the applicants, while the case continues. Obviously, this order has been violated to some extreme extent.

 

There were reports from Malambo that the invading security forces were counting the bomas found inside their illegal demarcation.

 

On 24th June, at Ngorongoro District Council – the day after Majaliwa had clapped to soldier songs - village and ward executive officers were instructed to tell people to leave the illegally demarcated area within 24 hours, or their livestock would be confiscated. In the evening, there were pictures and reports from Sanjan in Malambo ward of how the Maasai, under fear and panic, were loading their belongings on donkeys. Then came reports that the same was happening in Arash, Oltulelei in Oloirien, and everywhere. Shots were being fired and people were being beaten, reportedly by both the FFU and soldiers from the national army.



The following days, families, women, children and livestock continued leaving Sanjan with their belongings packed on donkeys.

 


In Ololosokwan the security forces said that they would never leave and will revenge the death of the FFU officer by killing 15 people. Reportedly a road is being cleared along the illegal demarcation. There were unconfirmed reports of widespread theft committed the security forces.

 

In Ormanie, Arash ward, on 27th June, donkeys, calves, and other livestock belonging to Parkimalo Lupa were shot when on the way to the river. Children accompanying the livestock were severely beaten by the security forces.

 


At least seven people from Serng'etuny sub-village in Piyaya and ten from Ndinyika, Malambo were on 29th June, arrested and taken to Loliondo police station. Those in Piyaya were reportedly arrested in connection with uprooting beacons.

 

Mass arrests are spreading to areas in Loliondo far from the illegal demarcation attack. At least 21 people were arrested in Naan, their houses invaded at night, and Ng'arwa in Enguserosambu, several village or sub-village chairmen among them. Also, pregnant women and those with small children. They are "suspected of being immigrants".

 

Simon Saitoti, councillor of Ngorongoro ward in NCA, was arrested on 1st July. The councillor had two days earlier visited those ridiculously charged with murder and when he returned to Oloirobi he himself was arrested. Reportedly, people in his ward have refused to meet with a religious imposter group. Other councillors from NCA have been remarkably silent during this brutal and illegal operation, while activists from NCA have spoken up more than the terrified ones from Loliondo. Simon was sent to Loliondo and then Arusha, but then his location became unknown, and the police denied having him, until he on 5th July was reportedly added to the ridiculous murder charges, according to some because he refused to relocate to Msomera.

 

The night to 2nd July, 30 people were arrested in Njoroi and 11 in Oloika sub-village, in Ololosokwan ward. They are accused of being "Kenyan”.

 

In the afternoon of 2nd July, the security forces started burning seasonal bomas (ronjos) in the Oldoinyorok area of Arash. They had caught and tortured a young herder, forcing him to show them the location. Six ronjos were burned to the ground. At least four more ronjos were burned in the nearby Sindin area.

 

In Malambo, the security forces are demolishing houses.

 

Some 477 cows and 650 sheep were illegally seized in Ololosokwan, and the livestock held at Klein’s gate. The owners are being told to pay an extortionate 100,000 TShs fine per head of cattle, and 25,000 per sheep. Though other reports mention 1,130 cows that five families have been charged for. 

 

Reportedly, on 3rd July, Thomson Safaris joined the abuse, and I’m trying to obtain exact information.

 

On 4th July, the security forces seized cows and sheep from over five bomas in Ildupa sub-village of Ormanie, and drove them to Engutoto sub-village in Arash. Then they went on to extort 100,000 TShs per cow and 25,000 per sheep from the owners.

 

The police on 4th July announced having detained 72 people, from Loliondo and Sale divisions, suspected of being “illegal immigrants”, 30 will be taken to court, 13 released, and investigation of 29 others continue. Accusing people of being “Kenyan” and going after NGOs, while at any cost protecting the interests of “investors” that don’t respect land right, is the basics of the Loliondo police state. This time, Immigration is looking for the location of vaccine marks, which reportedly isn't the same in Kenya as in Tanzania.


In Olosirwa sub-village of Kirtalo six people were arrested on 6th July, including a primary school teacher when police in four vehicles invaded the school.

 

This section of the blog post is impossible to keep exact, and sadly it never ends.

 

The government showing off its own crime

On 11th June, RC Mongella arrived in Loliondo with the regional security committee to repeat the shameless lie that stealing 1,500 km2 is giving away 2,500 km2. He said that the illegal operation was going just fine, while confirming that one FFU officer was the previous day killed by arrowshot. There has of course not been any independent investigation, but if that’s how he died, the archer was defending his home and his land against very dangerous invaders. Then Mongella posed in photos planting illegal beacons.

 


Many government officials have followed Mongella and they must all be held personally accountable for this crime. I wish I could keep up with everything that has happened. All these criminals must be punished!

 

On 12th June, at the funeral of the FFU officer, Ngorongoro DC, Raymond Mwangwala, told media that those talking online, instigating things that aren't true, will be found wherever they are, in classic Loliondo police state style, which he earlier has mostly left to the DED. Then he has stood at the side of most every government official who has come to defend the crime and threaten anyone who could speak up. Head of police operations, Liberatus Sabas, declared that anyone involved in the killing of the police who died from arrowshot will be hunted down day and night.

 

On 13th June, Inspector General of Police, Simon Sirro, arrived in to Loliondo to make his contribution to the illegal demarcation, accompanied by RC Mongella. Sirro too said that the demarcation operation is going just fine, but there are some people, politicians included, who are stirring things up, using the Maasai for their own benefit.

 


Sirro in Loliondo



The Minister of Home Affairs, Hamad Masauni, arrived in Loliondo in helicopter to make a statement directing Immigration to strengthen border security to prevent illegal entry by foreigners and so avoid incitement activities. He also ordered NGOs to be investigated to make sure they operate within the law and don’t engage in breach of peace.

 


Immigration Commissioner for Border Control and Administration, Samwel Mahirane arrived in Loliondo on 18th June to stand next to an illegal beacon (he too) and posing with a legal Kenya border beacon, threatening people who are sabotaging the exercise and have fled. He said they are known and will all be dealt with. Then he threw in some threats against NGOs.

 


Commissioner General of Immigration, Anna Makakala, arrived in Loliondo to add her statement from the warfront against the Maasai, announcing that there would be 10 days of flushing out illegal immigrants.

 


A letter was shared with the information that CCM's National Executive Committee had met on the 21st under the chairperson Samia Suluhu Hassan, and among other issues nominated a contestant for Ngorongoro District Council chairperson. Normally there would be three contestants, but now there was only Mohammed "Marekani" Bayo, current deputy chairman and OBC's community liaison for many years. The letter was signed by Shaka Hamdu Shaka. On 5th July, Marekani was “unanimously elected” as district council chairman – with ten of the councillors illegally arrested! It should however not be forgotten that opposition councillors were cleansed out of Ngorongoro district, via threats and bribes, and all returned to CCM well in advance of the bloody 2020 elections. Now there's ethnic cleansing to get rid of the Maasai (by far majority in the district) for the love of the tourist dollar. 

 





On 23rd June, PM Majaliwa arrived in Loliondo together with the RC, DC, DED, Minister Chana, Immigration Commissioner Makakala, Awesso, Minister of Waters who’s very much involved in this crime, and other criminals. One of his lies was that the beacons had been planted many kilometres from where people are living, which everyone participating in the crime have with their own eyes seen is not true. The following day a creepy clip was shared in which soldiers from the national army were singing a war song to Majaliwa and the other dignitaries upon landing in Loliondo. I’ve been told that such tropes aren’t deployed without the direct involvement of the commander in chief, President Samia.


 

On 24th June, at Ngorongoro District Council, village and ward executive officers were instructed to tell people to leave the illegally demarcated area within 24 hours, or their livestock would be confiscated. In the evening, there were pictures and reports from Sanjan in Malambo ward of how the Maasai, under fear and panic, were loading their belongings on donkeys.

 

Every single government official who has been telling lies and issuing threats, from the ground, or elsewhere, must be held personally accountable!

 

Support

I will probably forget many, but the Loliondo Maasai have received statements of support, of varying strength, from the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights, a group of nine UN human rights experts, Amnesty International, the Oakland Institute, Survival International, the International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs, Indigenous People’s Rights International, Cultural Survival, a group of more than 250 scientists, Forest People’s Programme, ICCA Consortium, International Land Coalition, the Sami Parliamentary Council, and

 

In Tanzania the political parties CHADEMA and ACT Wazalendo have made statements. So has Legal and Human Rights Centre, and illustrious individuals have spoken up, such as Tundu Lissu, Issa Shivji (in a letter speaking up about the ownership of the land), and Maria Sarungi Tsehai tirelessly in social media. Kenyan politicians like Ledama Olekina and Moitalel Ole Kenta, and others, keep speaking up.

 

Govt not getting support from its international allies

A video called “Serengeti and Ngorongoro shall never die: the truth about the Loliondo situation” (paraphrasing Bernhard Grzimek) was shared, with a plead to international conservation organisations to support the Tanzanian government’s war against the Maasai. It claims that the survival of the Serengeti ecosystem is at stake, describes any talk about forced evictions as lies, repeats the monumental lie about the status of the land, and boasts about that Tanzanian has allocated 32% of its area for conservation. It must feel unfair to the government that the organisations and conservation researchers that have created the ideology and the promises of tourism revenue that inevitably lead to violence then refuse to express any public support for this violence.

 

It’s not just a few international researchers that have a manic focus on – while deeply embedded with the parastatals of the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism and with human rights criminals as co-authors – finding any faults with pastoralists at the outskirts of protected areas. “Sucha simplistic view will only lead to solutions that promote violence as in the evictions of the Maasai pastoral households in Loliondo in the last few years”This time even Frankfurt Zoological Society, that never has said anything about violence for conservation in the Serengeti ecosystem, seriously rattled by Survival International, has expressed shock about the violence in Loliondo and distanced itself from any involvement in the land demarcation, but still claiming that the land status would be “uncertain”. It’s not a secret that FZS has since its foundation, in close cooperation with Tanzanian authorities, been involved in and promoting land alienation and violent conservation. Another unlikely organisation that has expressed concern about the violence in Loliondo and even called on the government to respect the 2018 injunction in the EACJ is the IUCN that has never had any involvement in Loliondo (as far as I know) but together with UNESCO has been a main instigator of the government’s threats against the Maasai of Ngorongoro Conservation Area. The reactions by organisations like this must be seen as a victory for the - mostly silenced through terror - local Loliondo activists and their work through international organisation for land rights and indigenous rights.

 

However, we don’t know what they conversations behind the scenes look like, and the government is getting plenty of laughs and applause from foreign diplomats.

 

It’s important that leaders, naively or tempted by big money, when we’ve stopped this land grab, don’t let non-friendly organisations act as any kind of mediators to alienate the land in some less violent and obvious way, the land must be managed by the villages, without any kind of “WMA”.

 

Don’t confuse Loliondo with NCA, just don’t

While even lying government officials keep asking people not to confuse Loliondo and NCA, the supporters of injustice themselves do so all the time (enjoying it) as do those who support the Maasai, and many journalists. No, nobody from Loliondo will get any alternative land in Handeni. That’s for those relocating from NCA. What the government is trying to do is to steal 1,500 km2 of less densely populated mostly grazing land while expecting the Maasai to squeeze into the remaining 2,500 km2 of the Loliondo hunting block, where there are two towns, including district headquarters, agricultural areas, forests and a private nature refuge claimed by the horrible American “investor” Thomson Safaris.

 

On the other hand, the government is also lying wildly about NCA, which I’ve written about in previous blog posts, and will hopefully return to once the illegal beacons in Loliondo are uprooted. Relocations to Msomera in Handeni are hardly “voluntary” when the Maasai in NCA live under intolerable restrictions, permits for already funded public services have the past year been blocked, and COVID-19 funds for schools have illegally been transferred to Handeni. Much of the government’s spectacles showing off those who are relocating don’t involve people with a real relation to NCA. One recent spectacle is the family of former MP Telele who have homes in several cities and agricultural business in Simanjiro. Telele will hardly have to fight with mosquitoes and agriculturalists in the more densely populated Handeni. Many people have through the years tried to explain Telele’s previous treasonous behaviour with that he’s good, but not so bright and aware. I’ve wanted to believe them.

 

On 30th June, President Samia appointed the retired chief of Tanzania People’s Defence Forces, General Venance Mabeyo, as chairman of the board of directors of the NCAA.

 

Traitors

Talking about traitors, such people have sadly often been found in Loliondo. In the previous blog post, I mentioned a young man, confirmed by relatives, who was driving around trying to, in exchange of money, find youths and women to speak up in support of the government. He seems to ha failed in his mission, but others have emerged. An old traitor from the days when the “investor-friendly” group – led by Alais and Killel - in 2014 seriously damaged the land rights struggle seeking personal benefits by praising the aggressors and attacking the activists to whom they left the defence of the land, is the former councillor Raphael Long’oi. He has now emerged in a clip filmed at the start of the illegal demarcation operation, in which he lies that there isn’t any violence and that nobody will be evicted. The most benevolent interpretation is that he was trying to assuage the government, in which he failed, but considering his history, I’d guess that it’s worse than that. Long’oi was joined by the traditional leader Lekakui Kanduli and by Freddy Lindi, chairman of Oloswashi village without land in the 1,500 km2 under attack.

 

I don’t know what the old traitors William Alias and Gabriel Killel are currently doing.

 

Tourism as state religion

The current state of terror would not be possible without the Magufuli era’s compulsory stupidity and repression of any kind of dissent within the ruling CCM party that in the past used to be divided about pastoralist land rights. This has now worsened considerably with President Samia’s open hostility towards the Maasai of NCA, and less outspokenly also Loliondo



The president’s views and the NCAA’s tireless parliamentary lobbying has made it possible that in the national assembly less than a handful of parliamentarians will object to lies, the wildest colonial fantasies, and extreme ethnic hatred against the Maasai. The president’s participation in a cheesy travel tv show that nobody in the USA or Europe has heard about, but that the researcher Alex Dukalskis has described as “authoritarian image management”, has turned into a cult that can’t be questioned and that is said to be attracting tourists, who will be 5 million by 2025. The reporter Peter Greenberg has done the same show with such criminals as Netanyahu and Kagame as his hosts and guides. In the Tanzanian version of The Royal Tour, the only ethnic group that features as a tourist attraction are the Maasai, who at the same time are insulted by Greenberg and Samia as “too many”, “primitive”, “will be forced to change”, with some added sexism.

 


Most clear is the message of tourism as state religion, and environmental concerns as pure theatre, when for international women’s day, the notorious deputy minister Mary Masanja’s caravan of hundreds of vehicles in the Ngorongoro crater is celebrated as the highest form of patriotism and when the same is repeated in June by the CCM youth wing.

 


President Samia and Sheikh Mohammed of Dubai



Brief summary of previous efforts to rob the Maasai of 1,500 km2 in Loliondo

Since 1993 (first contract signed in 1992) Otterlo Business Corporation, owned by Mohammed Abdul Rahim Al Ali, that organize hunting for Sheikh Mohammed of Dubai, has the 4,000 km2 Loliondo hunting blocks (permit to hunt), which they got in the Loliondogate scandal covered by the reporter Stan Katabalo in 1993. This area includes two towns, district headquarters, and agricultural areas, so OBC have lobbied to have it reduced to their core hunting area bordering Serengeti National Park, and to make it a protected area, which would signify a huge land loss to the local Maasai, leading to lost lives and livelihoods.

 

Al Ali

Sheikh Mohammed at Oloipiri Primary, March 2018



In 2008, then Ngorongoro DC Jowika Kasunga coerced local leaders into signing a Memorandum of Understanding with OBC. There were supposed to be talks to coordinate grazing and hunting, but when the 2009 drought turned catastrophic, OBC went to the government to complain, and village land in the 1,500 km2 osero was illegally invaded by the Field Force Unit working with OBC’s rangers, with mass arson, dispersal of cattle, and abuse of every kind.

 

The Maasai moved back, and some leaders reconciled with OBC that went on to funding a draft district land use plan that proposed turning the village land that had been invaded into a protected area. The Maasai were united, and the draft land use plan was rejected by Ngorongoro District Council in 2011.

 

In 2013, Minister Kagasheki lied to the world saying that the whole 4,000 km2 Loliondo Game Controlled Area (Loliondo Division and part of Sale Division of Ngorongoro District) was a protected area and that alienating the important 1,500 km2 meant generously giving the remaining land to the Maasai. This ugly trick did not work, since the Maasai were more serious and united than ever, garnered support from both the opposition CHADEMA and from CCM, and then PM Pinda stopped Kagasheki’s threats.

 

After the unity, efforts to buy off local leaders started creating serious divisions and weakening. Some found it convenient to benefit from openly praising the “investors” and attacking the people who they at the same time expected to take risks to defend the land. Though nobody signed any MoU.

 

The investors (OBC and Thomson Safaris) had for years used the local police state that through the successive DCs, security committee, and most every government employee will threaten anyone who could speak up about them and engage in defamation and illegal arrests. The repression and fear of this police state became worse with Magufuli in office, and there were lengthy illegal arrests, torture, and malicious prosecution, by 2016 it was so bad that Majaliwa could enter the stage with a select non-participatory committee, set up by RC Gambo. Some of the members were local leaders and other representatives that found themselves at the opposite side of the people when marking “critical areas” under protests in each village. The proposal handed over to Majaliwa was seen as a victory, even though it was a sad compromise (a WMA) that had earlier been rejected for many years of better unity and less fear.

 

This picture is from March 2017. DON'T use it to illustrate what's happening now. 

Maybe since the Maasai showed such weakness, the government went on with the unthinkable and while everyone was still waiting to hear Majaliwa’s decision, on 13th August 2017 an illegal mass arson operation, like the one in 2009, was initiated and continued, on and off, well into October. Hundreds of bomas were razed to the ground by Serengeti rangers, assisted by NCA rangers and those from OBC, NCA, TAWA/KDU, local police and others. People were beaten and raped, illegally arrested, and cattle seized. Some leaders were frightfully silent while others protested loudly. Minister Maghembe pretended that OBC’s land use plan would have been implemented and the operation was taking place on some protected land, while the DC, and Maghembe’s own ministry, said it was not about the 1,500 km2, since Majaliwa was to announce a decision about that, but that village land was invaded because people were entering Serengeti National Park “too easily”.


 

The illegal operation wasn’t stopped until late October 2017, a couple of weeks after Kigwangalla came into office. The new minister also made grand promises, like saying that OBC would have left Tanzania before 2018, but it was very soon clear that OBC weren’t going anywhere. On 6th December 2017, Majaliwa delivered his vague but terrifying decision that was about, through a legal bill, creating a “special authority” to manage the land. He also said that OBC were staying. The decision was celebrated in the anti-Maasai press (the Jamhuri). Fortunately, implementation has been delayed, no legal bill has been seen, and would of course be contempt of court.

 

In March 2018, Kigwangalla welcomed OBC’s hunters to Tanzania (directing himself to a fake account of the Dubai crown prince), and in April the same year, OBC - once again - gifted the Ministry of Natural Resources of Tourism with 15 vehicles. In March 2018, a military camp was set up in Lopolun, near Wasso in Loliondo, first temporary, but eventually made permanent with donations from the NCAA.

 


In June 2018, the OCCID and local police tried to derail the case in the East African Court of Justice (EACJ) – filed during the illegal operation in 2017 - by summoning local leaders and villagers. Nobody dared to speak up about this, except for the applicants' main counsel. On 25th September 2018 – a year after the illegal operation - the court finally issued an injunction restraining the government from evictions, destruction and harassment of the applicants, but this injunction was soon brutally violated. In November and December soldiers from the camp in Olopolun tortured people, seized cattle, and burned bomas in Kirtalo and Ololosokwan. This was the lowest point ever in the land rights struggle and I have still not understood how it could happen without anyone at all speaking up. Local leaders claimed to fear for their lives and thought that the brutality was directly ordered by President Magufuli. When RC Gambo in January 2019 condemned the crimes in a very vague way, they changed to thinking that OBC’s director had contracted the soldiers.

 

There were finally some promising developments in 2019 when OBC’s director Isaack Mollel was arrested on economic sabotage charges and OBC toned down (they never left and Mollel was never fired) their activities on the ground, but the local police state wasn’t dealt with and after a lengthy stay in remand prison Mollel was out, and after a while back to work. Speculations about Mollel’s misfortune include his clashes of egos with Kigwangalla and Gambo, and Magufuli wanting to send a message to OBC’s old friend Abdulrahman Kinana (and to Bernard Membe) that nobody is untouchable.

 

In September 2019, a genocidal zoning proposal for NCA, which included the proposal to annex most of the 1,500 km2 and turn it into a protected area allowing hunting was presented. This Multiple Land Use Model review proposal was met with countless protests from every kind of group of people from NCA, but near silence from Loliondo.

 


2021 brought Jumaa Mhina as new DED and he started working to kill the court cases against land grabbing “investors”. Though the village chairmen have stood their ground and Reference No. 10 of 2017, Ololosokwan, Kirtalo, Oloirien, and Arash versus the Attorney General of the United Republic of Tanzania continues in the EACJ. The case against Thomson Safaris in the Tanzanian court of appeal, however, was in 2022 killed using a law that was introduced after the case was filed.

 

On 11th January 2022, Arusha RC John Mongella summoned village and ward leaders from villages with land in the 1,500 km2 to inform them that the government would make a painful decision for the broader interest of the nation. The leaders, even those who for years had worked for OBC and against the people, refused to accompany the RC for a tour of the 1,500 km2, or to sign the attendance list. On 13th-14th January in Oloirien there was a public protest meeting and a statement by village, ward, and traditional leaders.


 

On 14th February, Majaliwa came and wasn’t much better than Mongella, but too well-received, since something worse was expected, because of the crazy anti-Maasai hate campaign, and parliamentarians calling for tanks to be sent to Ngorongoro.

 

Three days later, on 17th February in NCA, not Loliondo, Majaliwa ordered the disputed land to be marked by beacons, so that we may know the boundaries – while claiming that this is NOT a trick!

 

Then Ndumbaro on 8th March re-introduced Kagasheki’s lies in an interview with DW Kiswahili, and on the 11th Majaliwa again mentioned beacons and water projects when informing parliamentarians about a fake spectacle that he had set up in Arusha, without people from Ngorongoro, the previous day.

 

At a huge protest meeting in Arash on 19th March, several leaders spoke up in defence of the land, among them the Arash ward councillor Methew Siloma spoke up very clearly and strongly. The message from this meeting was:

-PM Majaliwa is a liar.

-The Maasai are not renouncing one square inch of land.

-They request to meet with the president, since Majaliwa can’t be trusted.



On 31st March Abdulrahman Kinana was brought in from the cold, after having fallen out with Magufuli, and is now Vice-Chairman of CCM mainland. Kinana is one of OBC’s and Sheikh Mohammed’s best and oldest friends since at least 1993.

 

CCM councillors that had spoken up against plans of robbing the Maasai of the 1,500 km2 osero were being intimidated, arrested, and summoned to be “interrogated” in Arusha. The councillors of Arash and Malambo had to keep reporting to the police.

 

On 25th May a committee handed over their report of “community views” on both NCA and the 1,500 km2 Osero in Loliondo to PM Majaliwa who said that he’s work on the recommendations.

 

On 3rd June, Minister of Natural Resources and Tourism Pindi Chana in her budget speech announced that her ministry expected to upgrade Loliondo to a Game Reserve, but she did this while listing huge areas of Tanzania for the same expectation, which didn’t make it sound believable or realistic in any way, and there was hardly any reaction, except for an intervention by Ngorongoro MP Emmanuel Oleshangai.

 

Then the brutal, lawless land grab operation erupted, and now there are some 424 beacons to uproot, illegally arrested people that must be freed, and so many criminals that must be punished. And where is Oriais Oleng'iyo?

 

Susanna Nordlund is a working-class person based in Sweden who since 2010 has been blogging about Loliondo (now increasingly also about NCA) and has her fingerprints thoroughly registered with Immigration so that she will not be able to enter Tanzania through any border crossing, ever again. She has never worked for any NGO or intelligence service and hasn’t earned a shilling from her Loliondo work. She can be reached at sannasus@hotmail.com

 

Updates:

7th July

Cows from five bomas and sheep from one boma were seized in Sanjan, Malambo. There was incorrect information on the 6th saying that livestock were seized in Sanjan, which then was denied by people from the area, but on the 7th they were seized, to demand hefty fines, but reportedly the owners have not yet dared to start negotiating. They would get help from the councillor who's arrested, or the village and sub-village chairmen who have fled. (It's as if some people are actively trying to create confusion). The cattle is being held at Orng'oswa.


According to an eyewitness, in the evening, four vehicles arrived in Arash and took two youths who were wearing clothes with the Kenyan flag. The youths are from Arash. Reportedly people were detained in Piyaya as well.


On 6th July the German ambassador schmoozed with one of the main criminals, RC Mongella.


8th July

The criminals, TAWA and police, are demanding 100,000 per cow and 25,000 per sheep for the livestock seized in Malambo on the 7th. They were seized in Ndinyika sub-village and not Sanjan as mentioned earlier, but are being held in Orng'oswa and another area in Sanjan sub-village. 


The livestock in Malambo were released after the owners paid the extortionate ransom fee of 54,000,000 TShs.



The Kenyan peacher Julius ole Kuyioni - a real Kenyan this time ... - was arrested in Loliondo and taken to Arusha. 
Correction: Kuyioni was arrested on the 7th.


9th July
I was informed that on Tuesday 5th July, the home of 71-year old pastor and nursery school teacher William Risando, was demolished in Sanjan, Malambo. 


Refugees from Sanjan have gone to an area called Olepombo, and to Musurmuny, that's supposed to be for young and sick livestock. The refugees are in need of everything, including food and water, and their cattle are dying. 


Houses have been demolished in Engong'u. in Ololosokwan.


The Kenyan Red Cross distributed food to refugees in Olpusimoru. 


11th July
THRDC announced that Rebeka and Jacob Koriata from Ololosokwan had been arrested on 29th June regarding Rebeka's nationality. Some administrative issue leading to extreme harrassment. Jacob is accused of having aided an illegal immigrant since he's been married to her since 2016.




12 July
In Ndinyika, Malambo 147 hungry cows are seized after having returned tom illegally demarcated grazing areas and the owners are looking for money for the extortionate fines. 

The fines were paid the following day.

The Daily News, Habari Leo, and maybe others, published the news that traditional leaders from Loliondo would agree with the illegal demarcation process, quoting one Amani ole Silonga Torongei, supposedly from Ololosokwan. It was soon found that Silonga is a politician and pastor from Monduli, without any connection to Loliondo, another one of the government’s imposters, or fake traitors. On the 13th a video clip was available online, in which two real traitors were standing next to the imposter – Boni Masago and Mungasio Ketuta. Masago is known, but Ketuta still a mystery. 




14th July
Hearings in the ridiculous murder case were postponed to the 28th. 


Rebecca and Jacob Koriata were released, but must attend the police station again. 


15th July
I finally got some clarity regarding who has been arrested – and charged - by Immigration: 40 people from Ololosokwan, Kirtalo, Mondorosi and Njoroi and 21 people from Enguserosambu, Naan, Ilutulele, Ng’arwa and Orkiu, with differnt charges. All of them are Tanzanian.


I also got to know that UNHCR from Geneva on 27th June visited the refugees from Loliondo who have fled to Kenya in Olpusimoru, Naikarra and other areas where the families are hosted. They stayed for three days and saw the wounded and the County Commissioner in Narok. The UNHCR have now written a report and will put pressure on Kenya to recognise the Tanzanian refugees. The UNHCR Kenyan office and the UNHCR regional office have been unwilling to do anything, supposedly since they are overstretched.


The chairman of Ololosokwan read a statement giving the imposter Amani ole Silonga Torongei five days to apologize. 



16th July

It was announced everywhere that on 15th July in Geneva, Ndumbaro held talks with Michelle Bachelet, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, “to exchange ideas on human rights issues, including clarifying allegations about the Loliondo GCA and the Ngorongoro Conservation Area.” Further, the message from the Ministry of Constitutional and Legal Affairs was that, "thanked and congratulated the way in which the United Republic of Tanzania implements human rights issues under the Government." Ndumbaro also claimed to have invited UN Special Rapporteurs to Tanzania. 


17th July

Since yesterday the police have been using tractors to demolish houses in Malambo. People have been told to remove all their belongings before Friday. 


18th July

Kigwangalla spoke on Clubhouse in a far more measured way than anyone in the government, recognizing that you can't legally declare a GCA on  village land. I missed that, but Watetezi news reported.


19th July

There were reports about ongoing roadworks along the illegal demarcation by rangers in Arash. 


In Ormanie village one boma was burned and people in other bomas were told to leave. This crime was committed by TAWA rangers, police and NCAA rangers. 


21st July

TAWA again illegally seized 70 cows and demanded 7 million from the owners, who paid the following day.


22nd July

246 cows were illegally seized by TAWA in Malambo and 24.6 million extorted. 


25th July
Over 700 cows were illegally sezed by TAWA on village land in Leken, Kirtalo. Reportedly, they demanded more than the ging extortion rate. The cows were released on the 27th. I haven't found out exactly how much the owners paid. 


26th July

Seven youths from Malambo got caught by rangers in Olbalbal in NCA when on their way to Serengeti. The rangers asked them where they came from and after saying Malambo they were detained and taken to Ngorongoro police station. Relatives had to pay 125,000 Tshs and 200,000 for the police vehicle for their release. Their livestock weren’t seized, but kept with some women in Olbalbal. I am not sure if I have understood this correctly.


27th July

The nasty copycats Thomson Safaris, that claim their own private nature refuge in the villages of Sukenya and Mondorosi, started planting their own beacons. 


28th July

Charges against three of the 27 accused of murder and conpiracy to murder were dropped. Lekerenga Koyee, who's elderly and sick, Simel Parmwat who's a young student, and Fred Ledidi who's district natural resources officer and a PhD student. The hearings were postponed to 5th August. 


29th July

The DC met with WEO, VEO, and some village leaders warning them that if villagers take livestock into the illegally demarcated area, they will be auctioned by TAWA. 


Flying Medical Service have been banned from landing in Loliondo. They have for several decades been providing a mobile clinic and ambulance for remote areas. 

Correction: they have been grounded since March, officially for technical reasons, but they fully disagree and are trying to find a solution. 



Watetezi tv uploaded a 22-minute video - Loliondo is crying.



31 July

More livestock were seized in Malambo. The illegal fines for 36 cows and 90 goats were paid by the owner an they were released. 


4th August

The Kenyan pastor Julius Kuyioni who was detained when entering Loliondo for a "crusade" and on a missionary visa, has been illegally arrested since 7th July without charges and was now supposed to be arraigned in court, which didn't happen A charge sheet had still not been prepared. Reportedly, the police no longer suspect him of anything and have handed over the case to Immigration. 


5th August

The court overruled the submission by the defence of separating murder and conspiracy charges. Then the hearings in this bogus case were postponed to 17th August. 


In the evening Julius Kuyioni was released.


6th August

130 cows belonging to the Oloinyo family were seized by TAWA at Eng'ongu Nairowa in Ololosokwan and are being held at Klein's gate. The extortionate  and illegal fines were paid on the 9th and the cows released.


There were reports that a convoy of the Arusha RC, TAWA, NCAA and deputy minister Masanja were in Loliondo to hand over the management of the fake and illegal protected area to NCAA. Though nothing at all of this has been mentioned online by the MNRT or NCAA, so it just can’t be verified.


15th August

Several herds of livestock were seized in Olembuya in Arash. I'm having problems getting exact information.


17th August
MP Emmanuel Oleshangai attended court and hearings in the bogus murder case were postponed to 30th August.


18th August
Almost 3000 sheep and 200 cows were seized by TAWA in Piyaya. 


19th August
Majaliwa was again lying about Loliondo. 

26th August
Cattle belonging to Cosmas Leitura and Elisha Sananka were seized in Ololosokwan.

31st August
NEW BLOG POST https://termitemoundview.blogspot.com/2022/08/the-horror-continues-in-loliondo-and.html







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