In this blog post:
Article
in Science Magazine
Summary
of Osero developments of the past decades (important for newcomers)
Like all blog posts this one is
delayed, since among other problems, at the same time I had to write about the
District Security Officer who’s been charged with corruption, and about the JWTZ soldier brutality that recently led to the death of 26-year old footballer Yohana “Babuche” Saidea. Probably over thirty articles have now been published about the
Science Magazine article “Cross-boundary human impacts compromise the
Serengeti-Mara ecosystem”, and none of them include any criticism at all, so my
delay is unacceptable. I wish more people could have a critical look at it. My
post is from a perspective of land rights and human rights in Loliondo.
Why
now?
On
29th March, Science Magazine published an
article titled Cross-boundary human impacts compromise the Serengeti-Mara ecosystem (behind
a paywall, but there are easy ways of opening it), about which the Director of
the Tanzania Wildlife Research Institute (TAWIRI), Simon Mduma, says (apparently
in a press release, since it shows up in several newspaper articles from around
the world, and at a press conference in Arusha),
"These results come at the right time,
as the Tanzanian government is now taking important steps to address these
issues on a national level,".
So, this makes the article very much
look like a reaction to President Magufuli’s late and vague statement that he can even consider removing some protected areas - with
yet unknown consequences for Loliondo (if any) as persecution under his
rule has been worse than ever - since he’s so unhappy to
see pastoralists and cultivators being evicted all over the country. I suppose the TAWIRI director
could also have meant that the article will – together with terror,
intimidation, and shameless lies – assist the government side in the East
African Court of Justice, defending human rights crimes and land alienation
plans. I hope the article wasn’t written because of worries that Otterlo Business
Corporation (OBC) won’t get any further in their lobbying for land alienation
and human rights crimes now when the director has been charged with economic sabotage
crimes.
Press
conference
In
Arusha, according to the Daily News, one of the co-authors, Han Olff, held a
press conference at the headquarters
of TAWIRI, and together with (which
says more than any words that I’m trying to understand) the spokespersons of
the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism and of TAWIRI, and with the
director of TAWIRI (mentioned above) where the ministry spokesperson, Doreen Makaya,
reportedly mentioned the president’s “goodwill” about people settling in
protected areas and hoped that the sectoral team will identify areas where
people could settle while others might be given an alternative land, if they
are settling in a “dangerous area” within protected areas. I don’t know if this
means that she actually sees the possibility of people being allowed to settle
in any area of Serengeti Natural Park, which would be totally unprecedented, if
you don’t count unofficial “permits” from rangers making extra money. But, why
then would the team have to come and inspect the 1,500 km2 Osero (bushland),
which isn’t even a protected area and should already have been declared safe
from any alienation? I’m not sure if anyone knows exactly what’s going on, but
the president’s statement has caused a stir. The TAWIRI spokesperson, Janemary
Ntalwila, reportedly talked about raising awareness among communities around the
ecological areas, and specifically the greater Serengeti-Mara ecosystem, and
that if wildlife decreases in Serengeti, it would mean reduction in tourism
activities and revenue to the government. Co-author Han Olff announced that the
article writers were now ready to offer advice so that the greater
Serengeti-Mara does not collapse. which he added would not even benefit the
people living in the areas.
Coverage
It
seems obvious that the publishing of the article was accompanied by a press
release that even reached the British gutter press, and that the message was of
new and view-altering findings about how the world’s most iconic ecosystem is
being squeezed. Though the brief article is written by thirteen co-authors that
have compiled 40 years of research, and I doubt that there are many people on
this planet that hadn’t already heard that the increase in human population and
activities at the edges negatively affect the core of protected areas. It
wasn’t news to the readers of the Daily Mail that already had their cures (for population growth) made
up as a new lethal virus affecting humans, or actively preventing successful
development of a malaria vaccine. Though such views are also found in more
serious newspaper comments fields and conservation orientated social media, and
these generally are less harmful than the actual article. That was the first coverage I
saw in my news feeds, and then I lost count of the very many articles, none of
them critical in any way, unless I’ve missed something.
The
findings
The
findings presented in the article may seem uncontroversial, and I don’t have
any way of disproving anything, so I must assume that they are correct, even if
the personality of some co-authors suggests that anything could be going on. In short, the research has found that high
human and livestock density, and activity, at the edges of the protected areas
of the Serengeti-Mara ecosystem has squeezed wildlife into the core of these
protected areas and that higher grazing pressure has increased less palatable
and nutritious vegetation also in the core areas, beneficial natural fires have
been reduced, less carbon dioxide and nutrients are stored, and the whole
system is less resilient. While this has not resulted in a decline in the
number of migrating wildebeest (except on the Kenyan side where co-author Ogutu seems to have found
otherwise), it doesn’t bode well for a future with more drought and further
climate change. The article deals with Narok in Kenya, Loliondo, Ngorongoro Conservation
Area, and the western boundary (Mara and Simiyu regions), mentioning Narok as
the worst case and NCA as the less seriously hit. Though, as known, this blog
is about Loliondo; it’s because of violence and attempted land alienation in
Loliondo that the Tanzanian government has been sued in the East African Court
of Justice; and one of the co-authors is on an extremely brutal mission against
the Loliondo Maasai (see below).
In
the article “hard-edges” are found undesirable, and “soft-edges” where wildlife
can thrive outside protected areas are recommended, but these soft-edges are
only advocated for in one direction, while “hard-edges” against herders trying
to save their cattle in times of drought being met by “strict border control”
isn’t described as anything other than beneficial and desirable. Grazing
livestock in Serengeti National Park is strictly prohibited but has occurred
when rangers have been taking bribes. The “hard edges” of Serengeti National
Park are often enforced with astronomical fines and rangers brutally beating
herders.
In
a most unsettling way, the Science article maps Loliondo Game Controlled Area
with the same acronym as Ngorongoro Conservation Area (NCA) – “PASRU” (“protected
area with sustainable resource use”) – when Loliondo GCA is an unprotected area,
even if there currently is a serious threat in the form of a decision by PM
Majaliwa to place Loliondo under NCA, which fortunately has been delayed.
Recommended
“way ahead”
The
way ahead in the article is presented as ambitious land use plans to actively
manage resources beyond protected area boundaries, adding that “strategies where humans and wildlife share
landscapes under conditions established and enforced by the mutual agreement of
local people and regional or national governments are likely the way forward”,
and that this “will require continually
monitoring both the ecological integrity and societal trends in the
surroundings”. What people are supposed to get in return for being managed
by huge carbon footprint central government and international conservation
types is, “building more trust with local
communities that they will keep sharing in the benefits of natural resource
conservation”, and “ensuring that
livestock numbers, settlement, and cropland expansion in the direct vicinity of
core protected areas do not go beyond a point where they impair the key
structure and functioning of the underlying socioecological system”.
There’s no mention of regaining access to grazing in the national park, and
I’ve in social media noticed that just mentioning such a thing is the biggest
taboo imaginable. People will “keep
sharing” (whatever that means) benefits of natural resource conservation on
their own land. The authors of this report seem very sure indeed that the immensely unequal power balance, state
violence, and impunity are still on their side.
The
Tanzanian government hasn’t had any problems using this same rhetoric about mutual
agreement between all stakeholders before, during, and after mass human rights
crimes.
What’s
left out
The
Science article does mention “an
asymmetric historical relation’, since people were evicted from protected
areas in the 20th century, while wildlife is still allowed to roam
the village lands. Though the current situation is totally left out, without any mention that land outside the
national park, in Loliondo, is village land per Village Land Act No. 5 of 1999,
and decisions about this land are supposed to be taken by the village
assemblies consisting of all villagers above the age of 18, which rarely happens. These are the
people who should make the land use plans, and it isn’t explained why they, if
left in peace, would not want to protect their own natural resources. Neither
is there any mention of how the Tanzanian government, or parts of it, after all historical injustices, still has attempted to evict people from the 1,500
km2 of grazing land essential for pastoralist survival next to Serengeti
National Park.
OBC,
that organises hunting for Sheikh Mohammed of Dubai and use the 1,500 km2 Osero (bushland) as their core hunting area, funded a draft district land use plan that proposed
converting this grazing land into a protected area (protected from Maasai land
use, but not from hunting). The land use plan was in early 2011 rejected by
Ngorongoro District Council, but OBC, and others, just kept lobbying, and
threats of different seriousness against the Loliondo Maasai are regularly
issued. In the extreme drought year 2009, already before the land use plan,
there were illegal evictions in which the Field Force Unit and OBC rangers set
ablaze hundreds of homesteads on village land. A similar operation was conducted
in 2017 by Serengeti rangers, local police and other rangers (OBC,
anti-poaching etc.) with unbelievable brutality, and complete lawlessness and
impunity. The government’s explanation for these operations has been the need
to protect Serengeti National Park and the tourism industry. Local people have fought
back, sometimes successfully, even though those speaking up have been viciously
defamed and threatened. Some local leaders, and young educated people,
have been sadly unable to resist the wealth of those lobbying for land
alienation, while others seem to have been simply beaten into submission,
suddenly pronouncing incomprehensible words of praise about those they’ve spent
years resisting. There’s however only one Loliondo pastoralist (Gabriel Killel who has sometimes been featured in this blog) who, among other
strange and violent behaviour, has expressed support for the alienation of the Osero. The past years repression has increased considerably with illegal
arrests, and even malicious prosecution, for the sole sake of silencing
everyone. Four villages, during the illegal attacks in 2017, sued the
government in the East African Court of Justice, and in May 2018 there was an
intimidation drive to derail the case, with arrests and summons to the police
of leaders and common villagers, and in which village chairmen were prevented
from attending a court hearing since they had to present themselves at Loliondo
police station instead. The court ordered interim measures restraining the
government from further evictions or destruction of property, and from intimidating
and harassing the applicants. Despite this, Tanzania People’s Defence Force
(JWTZ) soldiers, ordered by someone “unknown”, in 2018 brutalized villagers in
wide areas around OBC’s camp and burned down bomas in areas in the villages of Kirtalo
and Ololosokwan – and nothing at all happened, nobody spoke up … By now,
Loliondo is such a police state that many people even fear sharing information
online about the land threats believing that they are “hacked”, which probably
is baseless since such measures aren’t needed to intimidate everyone into
silence. The authors of the article in Science chose to ignore all this, even
when at least one of them is deeply involved in the terror and repression.
Mwakilema
William
Mwakilema, one of the
co-authors of the article was the chief park
warden of Serengeti in 2017 when rangers were tasked with unexpectedly and with total illegality
and extreme brutality invade land bordering the Park, up to 5 km, and further, inside village land. Starting in the Oloosek area of Ololosokwan on 13th
August 2017 and continuing all the way to Piyaya 90 km further south, hundreds
of bomas were burned to the ground. There were brutal beatings, arrests of the
victims, illegal seizing of cows, and blocking of water sources. The Serengeti
rangers raped several women.
 |
| Oloosek 13th August 2017 |
Before
the illegal eviction, in March 2017 while the Arusha RC’s (tasked by PM
Majaliwa) select committee was working on a proposal for “solving the conflict” (between
the Maasai and those who want to take their land), and when then Minister
Maghembe was working hard for the alienation of the 1,500 km2 osero, Maghembe
took the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Natural Resources and Tourism on a
Loliondo tour so co-opted that several members complained about being used to
rubber stamp the minister’s wish to hand the land over to OBC. During this
co-opted tour there was a meeting, attended by the press, in which William
Mwakilema told the standing committee members that development funds from the
German development bank KfW for the “Serengeti Ecosystem Development and
Conservation Project (SEDCP)” (implemented by Tanzania National Parks Authority
(TANAPA) and Frankfurt Zoological Society (FZS) were subject to the approval of
the land use plan proposing the alienation of the 1,500 km2 Osero – and this
led to a manifestation in which 600 women marched on Wasso, and the District
Council decided not to accept the German money, even though it sadly seems like
the district chairman secretly signed anyway. Despite of several news articles,
the Germans kept quiet and neither denied nor confirmed this information, and
in the middle of the human rights crimes of 2017, a smiling German ambassador
was seen all over media, in the framework of the SEDCP, handing over office and
residential buildings for park staff in Fort Ikoma, in Serengeti National Park, to an equally smiling Minister Maghembe, while commenting on the long and
successful partnership between Germany and Tanzania in protecting the
Serengeti.
Then, almost two years later in an interview with the website
Conservation Watch, Dr Klaus Müller, Director, and Dr Matthias Grüninger,
Senior Project Manager at KfW replied, “German
Development Funds implemented through KfW are not subject to such a requirement”. This means that either the
heads of KfW or chief park warden Mwakilema are lying.
 |
| Wasso, 15th March 2017, "Conservation
is our tradition, OBC leave us our land" and ""District Council,
don't receive money from the Germans, since it's death to us" |
Current
threat
The
RC’s committee in March 2017 finally reached the “compromise proposal” of a
Wildlife Management Area, which means increasing the influence by “investors”
and central government on the land while it nominally stays as village land.
This had been rejected for a decade and a half in Loliondo, but at that time it
was celebrated as a victory by all leaders (but very far from all other
people). Maybe it was this weakness shown by leaders that encouraged the
unexpected and illegal brutality with an apparent aim to crush all resistance.
I don’t know. The PM’s decision came much later, after the human rights crimes,
in December 2017, and was for a “special authority” to manage land in Loliondo,
which then was explained as - via a
legal bill to still allow hunting - placing Loliondo under Ngorongoro
Conservation Area that’s under the colonial-style rule of the Ngorongoro
Conservation Area Authority, and where subsistence agriculture is prohibited,
grazing area after grazing area is alienated, and child malnutrition is
rampant. People in NCA know about being “squeezed” (a buzzword in the media
campaign around the Science article).This plan, which was much celebrated by the
most anti-Loliondo and pro-OBC press, has fortunately been delayed and if there
was any seriousness in the president’s statement of 15th January, it
must be stopped.
The
kind of hard-edge that’s needed
I’d
say that “hard edges” should as much as possible be avoided against wildlife,
but are absolutely necessary against the malicious intrusion into Maasai land
management by central government, “investors”, and international conservation.
I hope it isn’t too late, that not everyone is worn out by the sheer terror,
the silence, and the constant big and small betrayals. And, if there is a small
possibility that the government is now looking to lessen the terror, nobody
should have to put up with the authors of the Science article
and their initiative to influence the Tanzanian government.
Those
responsible for the Science article
Organisations
involved in the study: AfricanBioServices Project, funded by the European
Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation program and was also supported by
the National Science Foundation (NSF), the German Research Foundation (DFG),
the Natural Environmental Research Council (NERC), the Leverhulme Trust, the
British Ecological Society (BES) and unsurprisingly the Frankfurt Zoological Society (FZS).
The
authors are: Michiel P. Veldhuis, Mark E. Ritchie, Joseph O. Ogutu, Thomas A.
Morrison, Colin M. Beale, Anna B. Estes, William Mwakilema, Gordon O. Ojwang,
Catherine L. Parr, James Probert, Patrick W. Wargute, J. Grant C. Hopcraft and
Han Olff
Update: on 18th April the Oakland Institute issued a statement about the article.
Update: on 18th April the Oakland Institute issued a statement about the article.
And on 12th July Science published a brief (not more than 300 words are allowed) response letter by Teklehaymanot Weldemichel, Tor. A. Benjaminsen, Connor
Joseph Cavanagh, Haakon Lein.
Summary of Osero developments of the past decades
All land in Loliondo division of
Ngorongoro district is village land per Village Land Act No.5 of 1999, and more
than the whole of Loliondo is also a Game Controlled Area (of the old kind that
doesn’t affect human activities and can overlap with village land) where OBC,
that organises hunting for Sheikh Mohammed of Dubai, has the hunting block.
Stan Katabalo – maybe Tanzania’s last investigative journalist - reported about
how this hunting block was acquired in the early 90s. By 2019 there does no
longer seem to be journalists of any kind.
In 2007-2008 the affected villages
were threatened into signing a Memorandum of Understanding with OBC.
In the drought year 2009 the Field
Force Unit and OBC extrajudicially evicted people and cattle from some 1,500
km2 of dry season grazing land that serve as the core hunting area next to
Serengeti National Park. Hundreds of houses were burned, and thousands of
cattle were chased into an extreme drought area which did not have enough food
or water to sustain them. 7-year old Nashipai Gume was lost in the chaos and
has not been found, ever since.
People eventually moved back, and
some leaders started participating in reconciliation ceremonies with OBC.
Soon enough, in 2010-2011, OBC
totally funded a draft district land use plan that proposed turning the 1,500
km2 into the new kind of Game Controlled Area that’s a “protected” (not from
hunting) area and can’t overlap with village land. This plan, that would have
allowed a more “legal” repeat of 2009, was strongly rejected by Ngorongoro
District Council.
In 2013, then Minister for Natural
Resources and Tourism, Khamis Kagasheki, made bizarre statements as if all
village land in Loliondo would have disappeared through magic, and the people
of Loliondo would be generously “gifted” with the land outside the 1,500 km2.
This was nothing but a horribly twisted way of again trying to evict the Maasai
landowners from OBC’s core hunting area. There’s of course no way a Minister
for Natural Resources and Tourism would have the mandate for such a trick of
magic. After many mass meetings – where there was agreement to never again
enter any MoU with OBC - and protest delegations to Dar es Salaam and Dodoma,
the then Prime Minister Mizengo Pinda in a speech on 23rd September
the same year revoked Kagasheki’s threat and told the Maasai to continue their
lives as before this threat that through the loss of dry season grazing land
would have led to the destruction of livelihoods, environmental degradation and
increased conflict with neighbours.
Parts of the press – foremost
Manyerere Jackton in the Jamhuri – increased their incitement against the
Maasai of Loliondo as destructive, “Kenyan” and governed by corrupt NGOs. OBC’s
“friends” in Loliondo became more active in the harassment of those speaking up
against the “investors”, even though they themselves didn’t want the GCA 2009,
and rely on others, the same people they persecute, to stop it… With Lazaro
Nyalandu as minister the focus was on holding closed meeting trying to buy off
local leaders, and there was sadly some success in this.
Speaking up against OBC (and against
Thomson Safaris, the American tour operator claiming ownership of 12,617 acres,
and that shares the same friends as OBC) had always been risky, but the
witch-hunt intensified with mass arrests in July 2016. Four people were charged
with a truly demented “espionage and sabotage” case. Manyerere Jackton has openly
boasted about his direct involvement in the illegal arrests of innocent people
for the sake of intimidation.
In July 2016, Manyeree Jackton wrote
an “article” calling for PM Majaliwa to return the Kagasheki-style threat. In
November 2016 OBC sent out a “report” to the press calling for the Ministry of
Natural Resources and Tourism to intervene against the destructive Maasai. In
mid-December 2016, the Arusha RC Mrisho Gambo was tasked by the PM with setting
up a committee to “solve the conflict”, and on 25th January 2017 the
Minister for Natural Resources and Tourism, Maghembe, in the middle of the
drought stricken Osero, flanked by the most OBC-devoted journalists, and
ignoring the ongoing talks, made a declaration that the land had to be taken
before the end of March. In March 2017 Minister Maghembe co-opted a
Parliamentary Standing Committee, and then Loliondo leaders’ “only ally”, RC
Gambo’s, committee started marking “critical areas” while being met with
protests in every village. German development money that the standing committee
had been told was subject to the alienation of the 1,500 km2 was – after
protests by 600 women – not signed by the district chairman. On 21st
March a compromise proposal for a WMA (that had been rejected in Loliondo for a
decade and a half) was reached through voting by the RC’s committee, then
handed over to PM Majaliwa on 20th April, and a long wait to hear
the PM’s decision started.
While still waiting, on 13th
August 2017 an unexpected illegal eviction and arson operation was initiated in
the Oloosek area of Ololosokwan and then continued all the way to Piyaya.
Beatings, arrests of the victims, illegal seizing of cows, and blocking of
water sources followed. Women were raped by the rangers. Many, but not all,
leaders stayed strangely and disappointingly silent.
The DC and the Ministry of Natural
Resources and Tourism explained the illegal operation with that people and
cattle were entering Serengeti National Park too easily, while Minister
Maghembe lied that the land was already the “protected area” wanted by OBC and
others.
There was an interim stop order by
the government organ Commission for Human Rights and Good Governance (CHRAGG),
but the crimes continued unabated.
A case was filed by four villages in
the East African Court of Justice on 21st September 2017.
When in Arusha on 23rd September,
President Magufuli collected protest placards against Maghembe, OBC and abuse,
to read them later.
On 5th October 2017 the
Kenyan opposition leader, Raila Odinga, (who had met with people from Loliondo)
told supporters that his friend Magufuli had promised him that all involved in
the illegal operation in Loliondo would be fired.
In a cabinet reshuffle on 7th
October 2017 Maghembe was removed and Hamisi Kigwangalla appointed as new
minister of Natural Resources and Tourism.
Kigwangalla stopped the operation on
26th October 2017, and then made it clear that OBC’s hunting block
would not be renewed, which he had already mentioned in Dodoma on the 22nd. On 5th November, he fired the
Director of Wildlife and announced that rangers at Klein’s gate that had been
colluding with the investor would be transferred. Kigwangalla emphasized that
OBC would have left before January. He talked about the corruption syndicate at
their service, reaching into his own ministry, and claimed that OBC’s director,
Mollel, wanted to bribe him, and would be investigated for corruption. However,
OBC never showed any signs of leaving.
Kigwangalla announced in social media
that he on 13th November 2017 received a delegation headed by the
German ambassador and that the Germans were going to fund community development
projects in Loliondo, “in our quest to save the Serengeti”. Alarm was raised in
Loliondo that the district chairman would have signed secretly, which some
already had suspected.
On 6th December 2017, PM
Majaliwa announced a vague, but terrifying decision to form a “special
authority” to manage the 1,500 km2 osero. He also said that OBC would stay.
Manyerere Jackton celebrated the decision in the Jamhuri newspaper. Further
information and implementation of this “special authority” has fortunately been
delayed, even if it was mentioned in Kigwangalla’s budget speech on 21st
May 2018. The only additional information that has been shared is that the
whole of Loliondo, per Majaliwa’s plan, is to be put under the Ngorongoro
Conservation Area.
Sheikh Mohammed, his crown prince,
and other royal guests visited Loliondo in March 2018, and Kigwangalla welcomed
them on Twitter. Earlier, in restricted access social media, Kigwangalla had
been saying that OBC weren’t a problem, but only the director, Mollel, and that
Loliondo, with the “new structure” needed more investors of the kind.
Around 24th March 2018 a
military camp was set up in Lopolun, near Wasso town, by the Tanzania People’s
Defence Force (JWTZ). Some were from the start worried that the aim was to
further intimidate those speaking up against the land alienation plans,
non-alarmists were saying that it was there for the Kenya border and for normal
soldier issues.
An ambitious report about Loliondo
and NCA, with massive media coverage (and some unnecessary mistakes) was
released by the Oakland Institute on 10th May 2018, and Kigwangalla
responded by denying that any abuse had ever taken place, and threatening
anyone involved with the report. He went as far as denying the existence of
people in Loliondo GCA.
In May-June 2018 there was an
intimidation campaign against the applicants in the case in the East African
Court of Justice, and silence became worse than ever.
From late June to late August 2018
there were several incidents of soldiers from the military camp set up in
Olopolun attacking and torturing people.
On 25th September 2018 the
East African Court of Justice ordered interim measures restraining the
government from any evictions, burning of homesteads, or confiscating of
cattle, and from harassing or intimidating the applicants.
In November 2018 while OBC were
preparing their camp, reports started coming in that soldiers were attacking
people in wide areas around the camp, while all leaders stayed silent.
Information was piecemeal, and after a couple of days many people were telling
that bomas had been burned in areas of Kirtalo and Ololosokwan.
Beatings and seizing of cattle
continued in some areas, and on 21st December the soldiers descended
upon Leken in Kirtalo and burned 13 bomas to the ground, while the silence
continued.
It was later revealed that a visit by
Mohammed VI of Morocco had been planned for the days before Christmas 2018, but
that it was postponed.
In January 2019 innocent people were
again illegally arrested for the sole sake of intimidation.
Then RC Gambo on a Ngorongoro visit
spoke up about the burning of bomas, but in a very vague way.
On 15th January the
president issued a somewhat promising statement against evictions of
pastoralists and cultivators.
In February 2019 OBC’s director
Isaack Mollel was surprisingly, on the initiative of the RC, reluctance by the
police, and order by Minister Lugola, arrested for employing foreign workers
without permits, released on bail, and then caught by the Preventing and
Combatting Corruption Bureau, and on 4th March charged with economic
crimes. On 29th March, the former District Security Officer Issa
Ng’itu was added to the charges accused of having received over ten million
shillings and a Landcruiser Prado from Mollel.
Those who know what's going on are
more than welcome to contact me.
Susanna Nordlund
Susanna Nordlund
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