Thursday, 7 April 2022

Illegal Arrests Again in Loliondo, German Ambassador Supports the Government’s Efforts, UNESCO Denies Responsibility, Ndumbaro is Removed from the MNRT and His Successor Makes Sure to Look as Bad as Possible in the Shortest Time

 

After years of – like many others - painting a disappointing figure, Methew Siloma, councillor of Arash (Loliondo division) spoke up, with unexpected bravery, calling a spade a spade in a way I thought could no longer happen in Loliondo, and subsequently he was arrested by his own CCM party. Several other local leaders and NGO people suffer from increased police harassment.

 

There’s no end to the ethnic hate campaign (allegedly funded by the Ngorongoro Conservation Area Authority) against the Maasai in parts of media (and most of parliament). PM Majaliwa and – now former - Minister of Natural Resources and Tourism Ndumbaro have kept appearing in fake spectacles and telling outrageous lies about NCA and Loliondo in a tempo that’s hard to keep up with. Before being moved to the Ministry of Legal and Constitutional Affairs - Ndumbaro announced that he would hold regular meetings with diplomatic missions to “inform” them about NCA and Loliondo. It looks like the government has full support from the German ambassador. Meanwhile, UNESCO say that they have never asked for the displacement of the Maasai of Ngorongoro. And it seems like the NCAA has finally found some real traitors instead of only using actors.

 

The new minister, Pindi Chana, was installed on 2nd April, met with the German ambassador on the 5th, and made a militaristic visit to Ngorongoro on the 6th.

 

Again, this blog post is too long and delayed, since too much is happening, while some important information is hard to obtain. It should be even longer, with more detail to avoid misunderstandings, but then nobody would read it.

 

In this blog post:

The meeting in Arash and the CCM arrest/abduction

Brief reminder about the efforts to rob the Maasai of 1,500 km2 in Loliondo

New “article” by OBC’s “journalist”

The old trick of public services as a weapon of war in Loliondo and NCA

Brief summary of NCA, including latest news

UNESCO denying responsibility for the genocidal Multiple Land Use Model review proposal and everything else

Ndumbaro meeting ambassadors and Germany is discreetly anti-Maasai as usual

Support by Kenyan senator

Bye, bye Ndumbaro

 

Pindi Chana in Ngorongoro on 6th April


Remember:

In Loliondo OBC, that organises hunting for Sheikh Mohammed of Dubai, have for years lobbied to have 1,500 km2 of important grazing land, village land belonging to the local Maasai, turned into a protected area. A local police state had, until recently, silenced all local leaders and activists, and still people from Loliondo are much more silent in the debate than those from NCA.

 

In NCA, an 8,292 km² multiple land use area, the Maasai live under the purposeful poverty-inducing rule and restrictions of the Ngorongoro Conservation Area Authority, and since 2019 there’s a genocidal eviction plan, that extends to annexing some surrounding areas, the area under threat in Loliondo included. Current government efforts focus on “voluntary” relocation and disinformation, while an ethnic hate campaign rages in media and in parliament.

 

A question: How can allies of the Maasai be stopped from mixing up NCA and Loliondo, from claiming that OBC would have left in 2017, from saying that there were evictions in Loliondo in 2013, and other misinformation that keep being repeated, again and again?

 

The meeting in Arash and the CCM arrest/abduction

In the previous blog post I mentioned that despite the protests in January, after the years of panicked silence and abysmal treason, Loliondo Maasai are still so much more silent than those in Ngorongoro division, even when both Ndumbaro and Majaliwa have lied in threatening ways about the 1,500 km2 of important grazing land bordering Serengeti National Park, which OBC that organize hunting for Sheikh Mohammed of Dubai, for years have lobbied the government to convert into a protected area. Though on 19th March this silence was broken in an impressive way, which lead to more repression.

 

On 19th March, a huge gathering – some mention 3,000 attendants from 8 wards in Loliondo and Sale divisions, and others from Ngorongoro divisions – was held in Arash in Loliondo. The press was conspicuously absent, but some local youths had prepared themselves to film the event

 

The message sent from this meeting was:

-PM Majaliwa is a liar.

-The Maasai are not renouncing one square inch of land.

-They request to meet with the president, since Majaliwa can’t be trusted.

 

The fraudster and imposter Isaack Lekisongo Meijo, an individual from Monduli district, near Arusha town, who repeatedly and fraudulently has misrepresented the Ngorongoro Maasai was finally condemned in a traditional way. In October 2021, Lekisongo at President Samia’s meeting with the public at Sheikh Amri Abeid Memorial Stadium was presented as the leader of the Tanzanian Maasai, while defending evictions from Ngorongoro. A press conference was held by traditional leaders from Ngorongoro to denounce this imposter, and then they held a meeting with him to sort things out, but after the meeting Lekisongo told the press that the Ngorongoro laigwanak had come to apologize to him! On 10th March 2022, Lekisongo at a spectacle in Arusha repeated his misrepresentation of Ngorongoro when PM Majaliwa announced a list of Ngorongoro people, none of whom were still living in Ngorongoro, that were “volunteering” to relocate to Handeni. Only one of the attendants to this fake spectacle, which Majaliwa then boasted about in parliament, was originally from Ngorongoro. The Ngorongoro laigwanak once again had to hold a press conference to denounce Lekisongo. On 18th March, while celebrating one year of Samia Suluhu Hassan’s presidency and its many successes, RC Mongella – whose threatening visit in January finally brought Loliondo people out from where they were hiding, in a delusional style brought up how he’s working with local people to strengthen conservation in Ngorongoro and Loliondo. The indispensable imposter Lekisongo was of course present and dressed up Mongella in a kind of Maasai outfit.


This is how a curse was placed on Lekisongo in Arash on 19th March. I’ve asked why this treatment hasn’t been given to so many other people who have been threatening the land through the years. Apparently, it has, but without broadcasting.



 

The councillor of Arash, Methew Siloma, refreshingly explained that the Maasai were not asking anyone for any permit to hold this meeting. He said that (regarding both NCA and Loliondo) it had been decided to form a committee of 25 representatives (the number has grown since then) to collect the views of the public and take them to the president, not any minister. He said they didn’t have any faith at all in PM Majaliwa, since he’s a liar who claims that the Maasai would agree to the alienation of the 1,500 km2 osero in Loliondo. Further, Siloma made it clear that the Maasai would not cooperate with any person our authority trying to demarcate the 1,500 km2 with beacons. Compared to Siloma’s disappointing time as district chairman when he not only was a coward at a time when everyone was a coward but set the discouraging mark already in 2017 accepting German funds that the councillors, after Minister Maghembe had announced that these funds carried the condition of implementing OBC’s land use plan (which led to a manifestation by 600 women), had decided not to accept, this was a very serious and impressive statement.



 

Siloma could of course not be allowed to speak the truth. On 23rd March he and the councillor for Malambo, Joel Clement Reson, who also has been speaking up in an admirable way, were summoned to the ethics committee at the CCM office in Loliondo. Siloma was summoned via a letter from CCM signed by the party secretary of Ngorongoro District, Abubakar Chati. After the interrogation, police entered the CCM office and arrested Siloma who was abducted and driven all the way to Arusha accompanied by Security Officer Hassan. In Arusha family and lawyers weren’t allowed to see Siloma. The Regional Commanding Officer said that it was a political case, and the councillor was being interrogated outside the police by TISS (Tanzania Intelligence and Security Service). On 25th March, Siloma was finally released on bail, without charges, but he must continue reporting to the police.

The trap.


The Ngorongoro CCM chairman, Ndirango Laizer, spoke up for Siloma and is now having his citizenship questioned by Immigration. This is the most classic abuse by the Loliondo police state. I encountered it before I had even heard about this local police state (and before becoming a blogger) in 2008 when a friend of Thomson Safaris told me that their problem was a “Kenyan” Maasai woman (later I got to know that this referred to a very Tanzanian woman who has been very much harassed). Now even the very Tanzanian CCM district chairman since 2018 is being harassed, accused of being “Kenyan”.

 

The victims of this repression (the CCM leaders) aren’t exactly innocent, but enablers of the system who were targeted when they finally decided that enough was enough. In the past, the party has often saved Loliondo leaders, and the land, from the government, but now they are being arrested by CCM. It may be time to say goodbye to this party once and for all (but it will hardly happen).

 

Since some time, there are two local Loliondo NGO representatives, Robert Kamakia and Loserian Maoi, who are being harassed about a “cybercrime” and are now being summoned to the Arusha central police station almost daily. In a Loita group they called someone a “sell-out” and this person confirmed it by running to the police. Maybe I should write a blog post about all the things I’ve been called.

 

More disconcerting in Arash on the 19th was the talk by the councillor of Ololosokwan, Moloimet Saing’eu, who spoke up for the land as if he were an activist since forever. This individual used to occasionally act as an activist until he in 2015 joined OBC as their assistant director with the explanation, “If you can’t beat them, join them”! So, he just spent the years of most silence, and abuse, comfortably working for the enemy, fully aware of OBC’s long-time lobbying for land alienation, which had led to so much fear and violence. He just continued through the illegal mass arson invasion of village land in 2017, and in 2018 – the year of worst terror, and after the anti-OBC talk by Minister Kigwangalla was forgotten (at least by the minister himself), he reinforced OBC’s love relation with the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism handing over 15 vehicles on the company’s behalf in April 2018. This blogger was basically the only person calling a spade a spade when speaking up about the unbelievable treason, which made me unpopular among Moloimet’s fans, to put it mildly. After the 2020 “elections” Moloimet became the councillor for Ololosokwan. In 2021 he left OBC. Some say he was laid off, since they didn’t “trust” him, while others (closer to him) say that he had to distance himself from OBC to fulfil his political ambitions. And indeed, also at this meeting Moloimet complained about how CCM are blocking the election (by councillors) of new district chairperson after Oleshangay became MP for Ngorongoro. Apparently, being a traitor hasn’t cost Moloimet anything at all.

 

Brief reminder about the efforts to rob the Maasai of 1,500 km2 in Loliondo

Since 1993 (first contract signed in 1992) Otterlo Business Corporation, that organize hunting for Sheikh Mohammed of Dubai, has the 4,000 km2 Loliondo hunting blocks (permit to hunt), which they got in the Loliondogate scandal covered by Stan Katabalo in 1993. This area includes two towns, district headquarters, and agricultural areas, so OBC have lobbied to have it reduced to their core hunting area bordering Serengeti National Park, and to make it a protected area, which would signify a huge land loss to the local Maasai, leading to lost lives and livelihoods.

 

In 2008, then DC Jowika Kasunga coerced local leaders into signing a Memorandum of Understanding with OBC. There were supposed to be talks to coordinate grazing and hunting, but when the 2009 drought turned catastrophic, OBC went to the government to complain, and village land in the 1,500 km2 osero was illegally invaded by the Field Force Unit working with OBC’s rangers, with mass arson, dispersal of cattle, and abuse of every kind.

 

The Maasai moved back, and some leaders reconciled with OBC that went on to funding a draft district land use plan that proposed turning the village land that had been invaded into a protected area. The Maasai were united, and the draft land use plan was rejected by Ngorongoro District Council in 2011.

 

In 2013, Minister Kagasheki lied to the world saying that the whole 4,000 km2 Loliondo Game Controlled Area (Loliondo Division and part of Sale Division of Ngorongoro District) was a protected area and that alienating the important 1,500 km2 meant generously giving the remaining land to the Maasai. This ugly trick did not work, since the Maasai were more serious and united than ever, garnered support from both the opposition CHADEMA and from CCM, and then PM Pinda stopped Kagasheki (not that anyone thought that Kagasheki was doing this on his own, but he did show enthusiasm).

 

Then the efforts to buy off local leaders started creating serious divisions and weakening. Some found it convenient to benefit from openly praising the “investors” and attacking the people who they at the same time expected to take risks to defend the land. Though nobody signed any MoU.

 

The investors (OBC and ThomsonSafaris) had for years used the local police state that through the successive DCs, security committee, and most every government employee will threaten anyone who could speak up about them, and engage in defamation and illegal arrests. The repression and fear of this police state became worse with Magufuli in office, and there were lengthy illegal arrests, torture, and malicious prosecution, by 2016 it was so bad that Majaliwa could enter the stage with a select non-participatory committee, set up by RC Gambo. Some of the members were local leaders and other representatives that found themselves at the opposite side of the people when marking “critical areas” under protests in each village. The proposal handed over to Majaliwa was seen as a victory, even though it was a sad compromise that had earlier been rejected for many years of better unity and less fear.

 

Maybe since the Maasai showed such weakness, the government went on with the unthinkable and while everyone was still waiting to hear Majaliwa’s decision, on 13th August 2017 an illegal mass arson operation, like the one in 2009, was initiated and continued, on and off, well into October. Hundreds of bomas were razed to the ground by Serengeti rangers, assisted by NCA rangers and those from OBC, NCA, TAWA/KDU, local police and others. People were beaten and raped, illegally arrested, and cattle seized. Some leaders were frightfully silent while others protested loudly. Minister Maghembe pretended that OBC’s land use plan would have been implemented and the operation was taking place on some protected land, while the DC, and Maghembe’s own ministry, said it was not about the 1,500 km2, since Majaliwa was to announce a decision about that, but that village land was invaded because people were entering Serengeti National Park “too easily”.

 


The illegal operation wasn’t stopped until late October 2017, a couple of weeks after Kigwangalla came into office. The new minister also made grand promises, like saying that OBC would have left Tanzania before 2018, but it was very soon clear that OBC weren’t going anywhere. On 6th December 2017, Majaliwa delivered his vague but terrifying decision that was about creating a “special authority” to manage the land. He also said that OBC were staying. The decision was celebrated in the anti-Maasai press (the Jamhuri). Fortunately, implementation has been delayed, and would of course be contempt of court.

 

In March 2018, Kigwangalla welcomed OBC’s hunters to Tanzania (directing himself to a fake account of the Dubai crown prince), and in April OBC - once again - gifted the Ministry of Natural Resources of Tourism with 15 vehicles. In March 2018, a military camp was set up in Lopolun, near Wasso in Loliondo, first temporary, but eventually made permanent with donations from the NCAA.

 

In June 2018, the OCCID and local police tried to derail the case in the East African Court of Justice (EACJ) – filed during the illegal operation in 2017 - by summoning local leaders and villagers. Nobody dared to speak up about this, except for the applicants' main counsel. On 25th September 2018 – a year after the illegal operation - the court finally issued an injunction restraining the government from evictions, destruction and harassment of the applicants, but this injunction was soon brutally violated. In November and December soldiers from the camp in Olopolun tortured people, seized cattle, and burned bomas in Kirtalo and Ololosokwan. This was the lowest point ever in the land rights struggle and I have still not understood how it could happen without anyone at all speaking up. Local leaders claimed to fear for their lives and thought that the brutality was directly ordered by President Magufuli. When RC Gambo in January 2019 condemned the crimes in a very vague way, they changed to thinking that OBC’s director had contracted the soldiers.

 

There were finally some promising developments in 2019 when OBC’s director Isaack Mollel was arrested on economic sabotage charges and OBC toned down (they never left and Mollel was never fired) their activities on the ground, but the local police state wasn’t dealt with and after a lengthy stay in remand prison Mollel was out and back to work, reportedly after plea bargaining. Speculations about Mollel’s misfortune include his clashes of egos with Kigwangalla and Gambo, and Magufuli wanting to send a message to OBC’s old friend Abdulrahman Kinana (and to Membe) that nobody is untouchable.

 

In September 2019, a genocidal zoning proposal for NCA, which included the proposal to annex most of the 1,500 km2 and turn it into a protected area allowing hunting was presented. This Multiple Land Use Model review proposal has since been met with countless protests from every kind of group of people from NCA, but near silence from Loliondo.

 


2021 brought Jumaa Mhina as new DED and he started working to kill the court cases against land grabbing “investors”. Though the village chairmen have stood their ground and Reference No. 10 of 2017, Ololosokwan, Kirtalo, Oloirien, and Arash versus the Attorney General of the United Republic of Tanzania continues in the EACJ.

 

On 11th January 2022, Arusha RC John Mongella summoned village and ward leaders from villages with land in the 1,500 km2 to inform them that the government would make a painful decision for the broader interest of the nation. The leaders, even those who for years had worked for OBC and against the people, refused to accompany the RC for a tour of the 1,500 km2, or to sign the attendance list, which could have been used to claim that they’d agreed to something. On 13th-14th January in Oloirien there was a public protest meeting and a statement by village, ward, and traditional leaders.


 

On 14th February, Majaliwa came and wasn’t much better than Mongella, but too well-received, since something worse was expected, because of the crazy anti-Maasai hate campaign, and parliamentarians calling for tanks to be sent to Ngorongoro.

 

Three days later, on 17th February in NCA, not Loliondo, Majaliwa ordered the disputed land to be marked by beacons, so that we may know the boundaries – while claiming that this is NOT a trick!


 

Then Ndumbaro on 8th March re-introduced Kagasheki’s lies in an interview with Deutsche Welle Kiswahili, and on the 11th Majaliwa again mentioned beacons and water projects when informing parliamentarians about a fake spectacle that he had set up in Arusha, without people from Ngorongoro, the previous day.

 

Placing beacons to mark the 1,500 km2 osero would be a serious invasion of village land, contempt of court, and only serves the interests of those who want to rob the Maasai of this land. Any attempt must be dealt with without delay!

 

On 31st March Abdulrahman Kinana was brought in from the cold, after having fallen out with Magufuli, and is now set to be the Vice-Chairman of CCM mainland. Kinana is one of OBC’s and Sheikh Mohammed’s best and oldest friends since at least 1993.

Abdulrahman Kinana and Sheikh Mohammed of Dubai on 24th March 2018

Yesterday, 6th April the new minister Pindi Chana visited Loliondo, but I haven’t got any details about this part of the visit.

 

New “article” by OBC’s “journalist”

On 5th April, the frontpage of the Jamhuri weekly “newspaper” carried the images of several ministers for natural resources and tourism and poses misleadingly the question about what had them removed from that Ministry. Tanzanians like to comment on why no minister lasts long at the head of this ministry, it’s an issue that raises some interest. Though reading the article, it’s obvious that Manyerere is just urging the new minister Pindi Chana to destroy the Maasai of Ngorongoro district, particularly (and unsurprisingly) those in Loliondo.

 


The “journalist” is once again singling out the ministers that came after those most aggressive and anti-Maasai, as if those would have been more corrupt than others: Maige who replaced Mwangunga under whom the illegal mass arson operation of 2009 was committed, Nyalandu who replaced Kagasheki who in an aggressive way was trying to via vociferous lies have the 1,500 km2 osero, according to OBC’s wishes, stolen from the Loliondo Maasai, and Kigwangalla who replaced Maghembe under whom the illegal mass arson operation of 2017 was committed, and who even spoke up against OBC for a few days until he U-turned. Kigwangalla openly complained that OBC’s director had tried to bribe him more cheaply than he bribed is predecessors. Further, Manyerere paints Khamis Suedi Kagasheki as an anti-corruption example … innocent of Operation Tokomeza (he even became internationally popular for calling for extrajudicial executions before this blood-soaked operation) and claims that unnamed MPs with cattle in Serengeti National Park wanted him removed. OBC’s “journalist” complains that PM Pinda putting stop to Kagasheki’s terrible threats against the Maasai made the conflict last …

 

Manyerere has told every lie imaginable, and unimaginable, about Loliondo, and in this “article” he repeats Kagasheki’s lie that the Loliondo Maasai are landless and that robbing them of the 1,500 km2 means giving them 2,500 km2. Besides reaching the target of 5 million tourists by 2025, the “journalist”, says that Pindi Chana must deal with “saving” NCA and Loliondo, for which she has the blessing of President Samia.

 

Manyerere Jackton, in well over 50 articles has been spewing out unhinged hate rhetoric against the Maasai of Loliondo, and campaigned for taking the 1,500 km2 away from them. He has claimed that 70 percent of the Loliondo Maasai would not be Tanzanian, and published lists of hundreds of private persons that his “sources” consider to be “Kenyan”. His slandering of those speaking up for land rights, or those he thinks could speak up for land rights, has been vicious and insane. This year, the Jamhuri joined Habib Mchange and Maulid Kitenge is their hate campaign against the Maasai, and Manyerere’s colleague, Balile, introduced lurid colonial fantasies about Maasai burial practises. Even worse is that I’ve experienced first-hand how Manyerere likes to boast about being directly involved in arrests of innocent people.

 

The old trick of public services as a weapon of war in Loliondo and NCA

Public services such as water projects, classrooms, and dispensaries have been used against the land rights of the Loliondo Maasai. In the form of charitable projects by the investors that want to alienate and manage land, notably OBC and Thomson Safaris, such projects have always been used as a dirty weapon of war, to be able to say, “look they accept us and our plans, since they accept our projects”. It would have been a relief, that as it should be, the government is doing something, if it weren’t because now the government is using the same ugly weapon. For non-Tanzanians, I may need to clarify that the word “government”, and not “state”, is always used, clad in green as the CCM ruling party, and inspections and inaugurations of development projects are invariably accompanied by embarrassingly stupid shouting and answering in chorus so that nobody will miss that its Mama Samia Suluhu Hassan who should be thanked for the good use of taxpayer or donor money.

 

At his meeting in NCA on 17th February, as mentioned in several previous blog posts, PM Majaliwa winded up by talking about Loliondo in a way that he hadn’t done when in Loliondo three days earlier, ordering the of placing beacons to demarcate the disputed 1,500 km2 “so that we know what land we are talking about(!)”. He also mentioned water projects outside this area as solving problems when he very clearly, on the 14th, had been told about this land’s importance for grazing. Unsurprisingly, on 1st-2nd March, the Minister for Water and Irrigation, Jumaa Aweso, visited Loliondo to announce water project, which was filmed in action mode. This was brought up at the RC’s one-year celebration of President Samia, in which he claimed to be strengthening conservation in Loliondo and Ngorongoro, and then was dressed up by the multiple-times condemned and exposed imposter Lekisongo.

 

Lately Edward Kohi from TAWIRI (this case is unsurprising) and Ngorongoro livestock officer Chobi Chubwa (also not surprising) have lent themselves to the campaign to rob the Maasai of the 1,500 km2 osero. The current reasons listed by the proponents of this old land grab proposal that would cause massive destruction to lives and livelihoods are: Saving corridors and breeding grounds for wildebeests. Protecting the Serengeti-Mara ecosystem. Biodiversity and saving water sources for Serengeti. The area’s value for tourism. The areas importance for national borders. And - public services via the government and investors.

 

Does this mean that there are land alienation conditions for public services? Last time I heard about that was in relation to German funds that Maghembe and Mwakilema (current head of TANAPA) in March 2017 told a parliamentary committee (and very much the press) would only be released on condition of turning the 1,500 km2 into a protected area, which wasn’t denied by the Germans until two years later by representatives of the development bank in an interview with Chris Lang. When Kigwangalla in November 2017 revealed that the funds had been accepted despite of a decision by all councillors to reject them in March the same year (after big protests) then MP Olenasha said there wasn’t any danger, since the 1,500 km2 would not be excluded from the development projects, but as far as I’ve been able to find out, nothing has been done there the past five years.

 

It should be remembered that we are talking about is the same as extending the boundaries of Serengeti National Park, but allowing hunting (the reason for OBC’s lobbying), which in land grab lingo is called a “buffer zone” and not a “corridor” or anything else. If the land were taken away from the Maasai, these people would continue wanting more “buffer zone”. It should also be remembered that the main breeding grounds for wildebeest are found further south in Ndutu. The logic behind evicting people in this area to guard the national border escapes me, but I suppose the answer would be some paranoia about “Kenyans”, even if this north-south stretching area of Loliondo is a tiny part of the border with their scary republic. As known, one main point by the current anti-Maasai campaign (and the old Loliondo police state) is that all protests are caused by “Kenyan” organisations that want to destroy Ngorongoro to benefit their own tourism industry.

 

Being a government authority, the NCAA used to weaponize development projects in the same way as unethical investors do, like when the chairman of the Pastoral Council in 2019, shortly after having spoken up about the MLUM review proposal, was touring Olbalbal ward together with NCA chief conservator Manongi, the main promoter of the genocidal proposal, promising development projects. This makes any person look compromised. However, since 2021 the NCAA are blocking any construction of public services. Schools and dispensaries are not getting permits. Classrooms have been built with COVID-19 funds in Loliondo and Sale divisions, but not in Ngorongoro. In the short-term plan for “voluntary” relocations to Handeni and Kitwai, which was leaked in January, it’s said that permission will be sought to use COVID-19 funds allocated for the development of projects to instead relocate Ngorongoro Maasai. I still haven’t found out where the funds for the building of houses in Handeni come from.

 

Much of the rhetoric about Handeni concerns public services, when it’s the NCAA itself that’s blocking those in Ngorongoro Conservation Area. Regarding Handeni, Majaliwa has said that – unlike in Ngorongoro – the Maasai would have electricity in Msomera. Is that impossible in Ngorongoro? Ndumbaro, when meeting with foreign diplomats on 25th March was saying that in Msomera the Maasai would be given land with title deeds, which is not possible in Ngorongoro. This is the same minister who during the anti-Maasai hate session in parliament said that all land in Tanzania is owned by the president and had to be corrected by the speaker. Ndumbaro has also gravely lied about the land status in Loliondo, and now he’s Minister of Legal and Constitutional Affairs.

 


The message from the NCAA and MNRT is that Msomera is so much better than Ngorongoro for the Maasai, but the only thing that’s better is that NCAA isn’t there with its restrictions, harassment, and blocking of public services. Ngorongoro is home, it has a better climate, and a bigger, less densely populated area. Those moving to Msomera will live together with villagers they don’t know and who have not been consulted about getting thousands of new neighbours, and it seems like they aren’t organized enough to question what’s going on. What could go wrong? It can’t even be said that NCAA isn’t there, since it’s a NCAA project, led by well-known malicious liars.

 


Brief summary of NCA, including latest news

When the Maasai were evicted from Serengeti in 1959 by the colonial government, losing access to over 14,000 km2, as a compromise deal, they were guaranteed the right to continue occupying the 8,292 km² Ngorongoro Conservation Area as a multiple land-use area administered by the government, in which natural resources would be conserved primarily for their interest, but with due regard for wildlife. This promise was not kept, and tourism revenue has turned into the paramount interest.

 

The Maasai in the 25 villages in NCA live under restrictions not found in Loliondo, are not allowed to grow crops, or build permanent houses, have the past years been losing access to one grazing area after the other, and as a result are suffering from high levels of child malnutrition, while throughout the years they have been shaken by rumours and threats of eviction. In 1975 those residing in Ngorongoro Crater were brutally evicted (the NCA Act was changed in 1974), and in 2017 – by order and after a visit by Majaliwa in December 2016 - the Maasai lost access to the three craters (see below).The current threat was announced in September 2019, when chief conservator Freddy Manongi made public the Multiple Land Use Model review report’s proposal, which is so destructive that it would lead to the end of Maasai livelihoods and culture in Ngorongoro District.

 

There have been uncountable protests and delegations against the MLUM review proposal, and several promises from the government to do the exercise afresh in a “participatory” manner, but then the same genocidal proposal has been repeated.

 

Shortly after taking office in March 2021, in a speech on 6th April President Samia said that something had to be done about too many people and livestock, or it was “bye, bye Ngorongoro”. Little more than a week later, demolition notices were made public, ordering the demolition within 30 days of over a hundred buildings, private houses, but also those built by the government, like schools, dispensaries, and the Endulen police station. Two churches and a mosque were included. Further, 45 people accused of having returned from Jema to where they were relocated in 2006, were ordered to leave, and so were 174 families deemed to be “illegal immigrants”. After big protests these demolition and eviction notices were withdrawn until further notice.

 

In May 2021, the NCAA headquarters were abruptly relocated to Karatu. Then, the first days of June, Manongi and NCAA held a promotional event on parliament grounds in Dodoma, handing out goodie bags with t-shirts, leaflets, and whatever. On 30th June, deputy minister Mary Masanja flew to Ngorongoro with 35 MPs for domestic tourism.

 


On 3rd September 2021, the Ministry of Natural Resources and tourism uploaded a video in which Deputy Minister Mary Masanja complains about having seen livestock, and chief conservator Manongi says that conservation is a war, that the pastoralists have many “conspiracies” and sadly are winning, adding that now conservationists must “start” developing conspiracies.

 


On 6th September, under heavy police deployment and with several arrests to prevent any kind of protest, President Samia came to Ngorongoro to film the documentary The Royal Tour. She has still not met with Ngorongoro people. There is a petition against this documentary.

 

In August and September 2021, NCAA rangers assaulted several young herders and killed four sheep with a vehicle, which led to protests on 23rd September, which lasted for several days. An uprising seemed to be on the way, but then everything was put on hold when MP Olenasha sadly passed away on 27th September.

 

Also in September 2021, the Germans were having a nice time with deputy minister Masanja and – again - giving away millions for sustainable natural resource and ecological sustainability development in the Serengeti ecosystem

 


Stefan Oswald, Head of the Africa Department at Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development, and Deputy Minister Mary Masanja. Grzimek and Nyerere were “present”


On 17th October President Samia held a speech in Arusha talking about how important Ngorongoro is for tourism and that “we” can’t continue considering people’s interests while destroying it. She was accompanied and supported by the imposter Lekisongo.

 

2022 started with a leaked plan – apparently written on New Year’s Eve - for “voluntary” evictions from Ngorongoro Conservation Area (NCA) to be fully prepared to begin in February.

 

Then, as mentioned above, on 11th January RC Mongella visited Loliondo and issued a land alienation threat that made even the biggest traitors speak up.

 

Habib Mchange’s Jamvi la Habari paper, that focuses on fabrications and slander of opposition politicians, initiated a hate campaign against the Maasai of NCA that spread all over regular and social media, was joined by crazed sports presenters, Maulid Kitenge and friends, and later (or from the start?) the old anti-Maasai Jamhuri paper with Deusdatus Balile and Manyerere Jackton. These “journalists” started an organization with its sole focus on evicting the Maasai from Ngorongoro and were treated as serious actors by other media. Though Tanzanians in social media who had earlier not paid much attention to Ngorongoro saw what was going on, were appalled, and started speaking up.

 

In parliament on 9th February MPs competed in being wilfully ignorant, hateful, and calling for evictions from Ngorongoro, and Loliondo, there was much laughter and table banging, while only three MPs spoke up for the Maasai. Majaliwa said that the Ngorongoro Conservation Area Act would be reviewed, but first there was to be a seminar for the MPs and he would meet with people in Ngorongoro and Loliondo. The Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism uploaded some of the worst clips of MPs. On 12th February a one-sided “seminar” about Ngorongoro was held for the MPs who continued their hateful and defamatory incitement against the Maasai.

 

On the 13th the new anti-Maasai organisation held a loathsome press conference, adding to their many crazed and dehumanizing “theories” one saying that there were no graves in Ngorongoro. The Darmpya online news, are asking questions, like how come the “allowances” for attending the press conference were so extraordinary heavy, who funded it, and for what purpose.

 


In NCA people many people stopped sleeping and started praying incessantly.

 

On 17th February Majaliwa held a brief agenda-driven meeting at the NCA hall, for leaders and closed to the public. There was confusion and thorough registering of the attendants. Two journalists were arrested and released later the same day. Those who were locked out stayed outside the hall singing.

 

On 5th March, Deputy Minister Mary Masanja, who’s very much involved in the war against the Maasai, brought a caravan of 600 women in diesel guzzling vehicles to Ngorongoro, to celebrate tourism, CCM, or supposedly International Women’s Day. Meanwhile Maasai women climbed Mount Makarot to pray for their land.

 


On 10th March in Arusha, Majaliwa held a meeting with Maasai from other areas, without any connection to Ngorongoro, led by the denounced fraudster Lekisongo. The PM was handed a list of 86 households or 453 persons “willing” to relocate from Ngorongoro. All had already left the district years ago and are apparently now looking for compensation money. The following day the PM boasted about this meeting in parliament, and on the 12th real traditional leaders from Ngorongoro held a press conference to denounce the fraud, but journalist didn’t want to cover it after having been advised otherwise by Majaliwa.

 

On 13th March, Majaliwa made a much-publicised visit to Msomera village in Handeni where houses are hurriedly being built to relocate Maasai from Ngorongoro, without consulting them, and apparently without consulting people from Msomera that’s a legally registered village, with its land use plan. Majaliwa was to visit Ngorongoro on the 15th, but it was postponed.

 

On 29th March it was reported that NCAA vehicles with armed rangers were driving around in Alailelai ward in an intimidating way, and later did the same in Endulen. The following day the behaviour was reported from Olbalbal, and it has continued in other areas.

 


NCAA informers are reportedly moving around trying to convince people to register to be relocated. Most (all in the first list that was made public) who are doing so have already left and are now looking for compensation money.

 

On 25th March Ndumbaro met with ambassadors to tell them the “truth” about Ngorongoro and Loliondo, and on the 31st President Samia replaced him with Pinda Hazara Chana.

 

On 3rd April, the NCAA had found some real traitors to show off, unlike the previous imposters/actors from other places than Ngorongoro, even if long-gone or unknown people are still looking for a compensation deal. And they are of course not traitors for wanting to relocate, but for lending themselves to the dirty war against their own people, thanking President Samia Suluhu Hassan. I will return to these people, but their argument for being “thankful” for the dubious Handeni project is all about the problems that NCAA are causing in Ngorongoro, and then they lend themselves to NCAA’s propaganda, some to the latest addition to the false government narrative that in this recent form says that land rights defenders would be denying people the human right of moving to Handeni … The worst one, part of the richest NCA 1%, had her 300-million TShs house on last year’s list for demolition without compensation and was supposed to demolish at her own expense (the order that was stopped until further notice). Now she’s registered for compensation, but I doubt she’ll live in Handeni, but rather in the Kwa Iddi area of Arusha.

 

A committee of representatives from Ngorongoro are writing a report with community views. This has been criticized as dancing to Majaliwa’s tune. Even if the main point would be that the PM is a dangerous liar who should be fired, he will in some way present it as if people support him. Though at the meeting in Arash, councillor Siloma said that this report would be taken to the president and not any minister. On 4th April, the committee that apparently has grown to about 60 members issued a press statement urging Minister Pindi Chana to start working on Ngorongoro land disputes by doing the following: “to stop smear campaigns and vile propaganda against the people of Ngorongoro especially those from the Maasai ethnic group, secondly to stop all on-going activities and give the opportunity for member of the society to be heard, third to ban intimidation and arbitrary arrests of innocent members of the society, community leaders, and human rights defenders who are working tirelessly to defend the rights of the society, to stop harassment against independent journalists who are doing a noble job to inform the public about the situation in Ngorongoro, four, to ban any malicious utterance against members of the Ngorongoro society branding them non-Tanzanians, five to order provision of basic services to the people of Ngorongoro division, six to meet with members of this committee and to start to collectively strategize on the way forward.”

 

UNESCO denying responsibility for the genocidal Multiple Land Use Model review proposal and everything else

On 21st March, UNESCO issued a statement regarding Ngorongoro saying, UNESCO has never at any time asked for the displacement of the Maasai people.” This is said by the main instigator for evictions and worsened living conditions. While there are other actors operating in the shadows, like tourism industry, other international organizations, and “Germans”, the Tanzania government has through the years used UNESCO’s threats of delisting Ngorongoro Conservation Area as a World Heritage Site, its repeated population panic, and distaste for agriculture of any kind, or “modern” buildings, as an excuse to worsen the human rights situation. As late as 15th March, Tanzania’s worst long-term anti-Maasai “newspaper”, the Jamhuri, wrote about how UNESCO support the government’s eviction plans. Not that this is a credible source in any way, very much the contrary, but other evidence is overwhelming.

 

When the Multiple Land Use Model review proposal was presented in September 2019, the UNESCO World Heritage Centre, the International Union for the Conservation of Nature (IUCN) and International Council on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS) had once again visited Ngorongoro in March the same year and in their report repeated that they wanted the MLUM review completed to see the results and offer advice, while again complaining about the visual impact of settlements with “modern” houses, and so on. They did also recommend the State Party to continue to, “promote and encourage voluntary resettlement by communities, consistent with the policies of the Convention and relevant international norms, from withing the property to outside by 2028”.  As known, unlike recommendations about vehicles, the MNRT loves this kind of recommendation, and the resulting MLUM review proposal was so destructive that it would lead to the end of Maasai livelihoods and culture in Ngorongoro District.

 

The MLUM review report proposes to divide Ngorongoro into four zones, with an extensive “core conservation zone” that is to be a no-go zone for livestock and herders. In NCA this includes the Ngorongoro Highland Forest, with the three craters Ngorongoro, Olmoti and Empakaai where grazing these past few years has been banned through order (residents in Ngorongoro Crater were violently evicted in 1975 after a change in the Act in 1974). This has led to losing 90% of grazing and water for Nainokanoka, Ngorongoro, Misigiyo wards, and a 100% loss of natural saltlicks for livestock in these wards. The proposal is to do the same with Oldupai Gorge, Laitoli footprints, and the Lake Ndutu and Lake Masek basins. In the rest of Ngorongoro District, the proposal is for NCAA to annex the Lake Natron basin (including areas of Longido and Monduli districts, like Selela forest and Engaruka historical site) and the 1,500 km2 in Loliondo and Sale Divisions and designate most of these areas to be no-go zones for pastoralists and livestock. These huge areas include many villages and are important grazing areas, the loss of which would have disastrous knock-on effects on lives and livelihoods elsewhere. The annexation of the Osero in Loliondo caters almost perfectly to the wishes of OBC. Only 18% of NCA would remain for people and livestock. Is there any sincere person who would dare to say that this can be achieved through “voluntary” relocations?

 

I should plough through all UNESCO’s writing about Ngorongoro, and will do so when I get the time, but I’ve had a look at their decision about Ngorongoro in the 44th session of the “Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage World Heritage Committee” from July 2021. Still in this decision UNESCO are requesting the State Party to provide information about “the status of agricultural activities in the property” when even the smallest kitchen garden has been banned since 2009, because of UNESCO’s repeated “deep concern” which has led to malnourishment. They continue being concerned with, “challenges resulting from the significant increase in the number of people residing in the property since its inscription”

 

UNESCO has never expressed any concern, deep or otherwise, about that the MLUM review proposes a cultural genocide. When you keep inciting an authoritarian government that values tourism revenue above human rights, is prone to violence and lawlessness, and full of pathological liars, to do something about too many people, you’re complicit to crime, however much you keep mentioning consultations with stakeholders and rightsholders, and international norms.

 

UNESCO’s general secretary in Tanzania, Dr Hamisi M. Malebo, on 28th February in a zoom meeting about developments in the tourism sector with one year of Samia Suluhu Hassan as president, explained that children in Ngorongoro can’t go to school and mothers can’t fetch firewood safely for the risk of being snatched by wild animals like lions, leopards and hyenas (in the original version he mentioned cheetahs as well ..), so UNESCO’s recommendation to the government is to find the Maasai other places to live to avoid these challenges. He didn’t say anything about that NCAA should stop blocking the construction of schools.

 


It's good that UNESCO have been rattled to the extent of writing that statement, or are they just trying to wash their image because they know that a crime that they support, and even have instigated, could be committed?

 

My recommendation to UNESCO is to delist Ngorongoro as soon as possible and then shut forever up about Maasai land.

 

Ndumbaro meeting ambassadors and Germany is discreetly anti-Maasai as usual

On 25th March in Dar es Salaam, Minister Ndumbaro met with ambassadors, heads of international organisations, and development stakeholders to tell them the “truth” about Ngorongoro and Loliondo. Very little of what he said has been shared online, but what’s available is all about the construction of houses in Handeni to where people will be “voluntarily” moved. Ndumbaro insisted on that it’s against human rights to prevent anyone from leaving Ngorongoro. Who has prevented anyone from leaving Ngorongoro? The threat is, obviously, very much the other way.  I’m worried about what Ndumbaro could have said about Loliondo, since he has earlier engaged in very dangerous lies about the status of the land that OBC lobby to have alienated from the Maasai. It was reported that the Permanent Secretary at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Co-operation, Liberata Mulamula, insisted on how important it was to give the ambassadors correct information, since there were fabrications by people inside and outside the country (which is sadly true, but the fabrications by the government side are both wilder and more dangerous, and the government’s main worry is about those telling the truth).

 

Also reported was that the German ambassador, Regina Hess, supported the government's efforts to protect conservation and the environment in the Ngorongoro area to address the impacts of climate change. Several people, this blogger included, have since 26th March sought confirmation in social media if it’s true that the ambassador, and Germany, support the government’s eviction plan, but there still hasn’t been any kind of reply. Germany does have a long history of working against Maasai land rights, through Frankfurt Zoological Society, and of staying silent when Tanzanian government officials claim to have German support against the Maasai, like in the case of development fund subject to the condition of alienating the 1,500 km2 in Loliondo (see above). The German Embassy doesn’t say anything, but on 5th April, the MNRT published a picture of the new minister Pindi Chana handing over a gift to Ambassador Hess who was visiting her office in Dodoma to discuss cooperation to improve the tourism sector.




I won’t forget the ugly image of Regina Hess’s predecessor Detlef Wächter on 22nd August 2017 - while the illegal invasion of village land in Loliondo was ongoing - smilingly handing over buildings for park staff in Fort Ikoma, in Serengeti National Park, to an equally smiling Minister Maghembe, while commenting on the long and successful partnership between Germany and Tanzania in protecting the Serengeti.

 


The Germans must be stopped!

 

Support by Kenyan senator

The Kenyan senator Ledama Olekina of Narok County on 22rd March, in senate proceedings warned that if evicted, Maasai from Loliondo and Ngorongoro are likely to seek refuge in Narok and Kajiado counties, and that they will be very welcome, but straining the counties' economy. The senator has also tweeted calling on the government of Samia Suluhu Hassan to stop any eviction plans, and participated he in a Twitter Space about Ngorongoro. In 2017 Ledama Olekina, during the illegal mass arson invasion of village land, took a delegation from Ololosokwan to meet with the then leader of Kenyan opposition, Raila Odinga, a close friend of President Magufuli, and Raila phoned his friend, which was followed by, maybe causing, the replacing of Maghembe with Kigwangalla.

 


Someday I must write a blog post about how incomprehensible cross-border solidarity is to many Tanzanians, notably government supporters. One sorry anti-Maasai example, with good command of English, interpreted the senator’s word as “proof” that Ngorongoro was full of Kenyans. He just couldn’t understand that the senator was talking about Tanzanians.

 

Bye, bye Ndumbaro

The removal of Ndumbaro as Minister of Natural Resources and Tourism is good news. He was a shameless liar, an anti-pastoralist, and maybe also authentically stupid. However, his deputy Mary Masanja isn’t any better at all, and she stays. Then, obviously, the biggest threats are apparent psychopath (non-professional diagnosis) PM Majaliwa, and President Samia herself. From what I’ve so far heard about Pindi Chana, she seems to be a CCM careerist.

 

On 2nd April at the installation of new ministers, the despicable Majaliwa told Chana, after talking about tourism and learning from different countries, “We have conservation work. And you start with Ngorongoro”, and then he laughed. The PM said, “It’s going well. We are educating the pastoralist and they understand. The exercise registering themselves for voluntary relocation is going well.” President Samia commented on Chana’s diplomatic experience as useful in her new function. Some interpret this as that she will be better than Ndumbaro at listening to all sides, while others interpret it as that she will be better at lying to foreign missions and organisations. The former appear to already have been overrun by reality.

 

As mentioned, on 5th April Chana met with the German ambassador. Yesterday, 6th April, there were reports that she would be in Loliondo, and later in the evening the MNRT quoted her, "I have visited Ngorogoro Conservation Area and Loliondo to see the great work being done to preserve, protect the wildlife, develop tourism activities and rehabilitate the infrastructure that the government has been providing funding for. I thank the NCAA leadership for managing so well and I have seen the great work going on.” She added that the government will continue to ensure that the Ngorongoro Conservation Area is protected by all means as one of the most important World Heritage Sites and the source of government revenue from tourism activities. Then Chana of course thanked president Samia for The Royal Tour. 



Leave Ngorongoro in peace!

 

Susanna Nordlund is a working-class person based in Sweden who since 2010 has been blogging about Loliondo (now increasingly also about NCA) and has her fingerprints thoroughly registered with Immigration so that she will not be able to enter Tanzania through any border crossing, ever again. She has never worked for any NGO or intelligence service and hasn’t earned a shilling from her Loliondo work. She can be reached at sannasus@hotmail.com

 

No comments: