View from the Termite Mound: The Tanzanian Government Commandeers the African Commission for Human and People’s Rights, Letting Maasai in Loliondo Wait in Vain - and Other Sad and Delayed News and Unanswered Questions

The brutal and lawless occupation of 1,500 km² of legally registered village land in Loliondo and Sale Divisions of Ngorongoro District for an illegal “Pololeti Game Reserve” just goes on. The massive loss of grazing land and illegal seizure of livestock with extortionate “fines” keep deepening poverty. Oriais Oleng'iyo who was last seen on 10^th June, wounded by bullets and held by security forces, has not been brought back to his family. Leaders keep hiding in fear after the over five-month abduction on bogus charges of all councillors, except one who fled, together with people suspected of sharing information. Nobody has been allowed to rebuild their houses in the 1,500 km². Stolen motorbikes and smartphones have not been returned. The illegally planted beacons have not been uprooted. President Samia’s lawless Government Notice No.604 has not been shredded to pieces. The demented tourism cult and anti-pastoralism still holds the government in thrall. Stop this crime! Punish everyone involved and all those silently supporting it!

To rub salt into the wounds, the African Commission on Human and People’s Rights has made a visit to Ngorongoro, Loliondo and Msomera, totally co-opted by the government. The Tanzanian government controlled every move, only by accident did some victims of land theft and human rights violations get a space to tell their woes. In Loliondo the Commission was prevented from meeting any victims at all, and those were victims who thought that their prayers had been heard and that finally someone would come to their rescue. We are waiting for the Commission’s final report.

Then the NCAA board of directors descended salivating over the stolen “goldmine”.

A tourist boycott is necessary.

In this blog post:

January news (plus early February due to delays)

The war against livestock continues

More harmfully mixed up articles

There have again been articles that totally mix up Loliondo and NCA, including one by Associated Press that was published in the Washington Post. Other even more harmful misinformation that keeps being spread was created by Agence France-Presse in September last year – apparently just out of the blue – saying that the East African Court of Justice would have ruled in favour of cordoning off land. The strangely delayed ruling, after the date had been set for 22^nd June (when court orders were being violated in the most brutal way) was inexplicable. The judges dismissed the case since they thought that the Maasai had failed to prove that the mass arson in 2017 was committed on village land and not in Serengeti National Park. However, the ruling at least establishes that there is village land and then there is Serengeti National Park. Even the government’s own documents and statements from the time clearly show that the mass arson was committed on village land. The terrible ruling was not as terrible as the one invented by journalists. It seems like this harmful misinformation will be repeated for many years, just like the misinformation that the government would have cancelled OBC’s licence in 2017. Then an article in the Citizen on 7^th February – about the scheduling of the appeal – repeated the same misinformation. Setting the record straight about this misinformation is necessary but could lead to it being shared even more, and to unpopularity.

Court cases

The ruling in Reference No. 10 of 2017 was appealed (Appeal No. 12 of 2022 East Africa Court of Justice), and on 6th February there was a scheduling conference. Both sides will file submissions and the hearing will hopefully be in May.

Ongoing court cases against the fake and illegal “Pololeti Game Reserve” are Reference No.37 of 2022 in the East African Court of Justice, and two Applications for Judicial Review against the Minister’s declaration and the President’s declaration of “Pololeti Game Controlled Area” and “Game Reserve” respectively, which has been scheduled on 14^th and 23^rd March.

The court has already granted leave in Miscellaneous Cause No.09 of 2022 (Application for Judicial Review) in the High Court of Tanzania to challenge the ministerial declaration whereas the president’s declaration is pending in court for leave stage.

Both applications are challenging the Minister and President’s Government Notices (GN), as illegal, unreasonably made, irrationally influenced, with procedural impropriety, in breach of both the rules of natural justice and the doctrine of legitimate expectation to the communities who have been living in the place for centuries.

Then there is Application No.2 of 2022 that is a contempt of court application.

Reference No.29 of 2022 in the East African Court of Justice is not about the brutal Loliondo land theft, but challenges the coordinated and suffocating policies in the Ngorongoro Conservation Area.

Support by Human Rights Watch

Human Rights Watch on 1^st February published an article, by Oryem Nyeko and Juliana Nnoko-Mewanu, with the request that, “The government should halt the violence, intimidation, and forced evictions. It should work with these pastoralist communities on a plan that respects their right to the land, heeds their traditional practices in preserving the natural ecosystem, and establishes how to work together to protect the area”.

NCAA board descending like vultures

The board of directors of Ngorongoro Conservation Area Authority (under which the illegally and brutally alienated 1,500km² were placed in September) descended like vultures over Loliondo on a visit on 1^st February. The members were delighted with the amount of wildlife and attributed this to the brutally and lawlessly created “game reserve”. They spoke about how it would lead to more revenue through photographic and hunting tourism and mentioned the challenges with staff housing and infrastructure. Board member Benson Kibonde described the area as a sleeping goldmine. A brutally stolen goldmine in that case.

Remember:

Loliondo: Loliondo and Sale divisions of Ngorongoro District. A local police state at the service of OBC – that has had the hunting block covering the whole of Loliondo and part of Sale, since 1993 - and the American Thomson Safaris that claim a private nature refuge. For many years a constant threat of robbing the Maasai of 1,500km² of vitally important grazing land, expecting them and their livestock to squeeze into the remaining land. Major illegal and extremely violent operations in 2009, 2017, and then the worst (and ongoing) in 2022 when the 1,500km² were brutally and lawlessly demarcated as protected area, evicting the Maasai. Vicious hate campaign by the reporter Manyerere Jackton since around 2010.

Ngorongoro Conservation Area: Ngorongoro division of Ngorongoro District. Harsh restrictions on every aspect of life under the rule of the Ngorongoro Conservation Area Authority and its chief conservator Freddy Manongi, instigated by UNESCO and IUCN. Blocking of funds for social services since 2021. Illegal transfer of COVID-19 funds to Msomera in Handeni to where the Maasai are supposed to relocate “voluntarily”, displacing the Msomera villagers. In 2022, a vicious hate campaign in media and in parliament.

Taasa, The Royal Tour and the DC/human rights criminal

On 2^nd February in Ololosokwan there was yet another exhibition of charity as a weapon of war (there have been many through the years since I was first acquainted with Loliondo). Former guests of Taasa Lodge had donated TShs. 149 million for a dormitory and classrooms at the primary school. Taasa (formerly known as Buffalo) is quite unethical indeed. Through corrupt means the lodge occupies 60 acres in Ololosokwan, and used to be scheming to get a private concession of 7,000 acres, which the village never agreed to, since Taasa can use Klein’s concession that while more legal, already occupied too much land. Taasa continued scheming, corrupting/employing many people, chasing cattle and even falsely to tourists online claimed that they already had a “private reserve”. Now they are in the brutally and illegally demarcated game reserve, and are said to love it. Klein’s are in the fake and illegal game reserve as well, and reportedly the government has announced that the last payments to the village will be by March.

DC Raymond Mwangwala, used the occasion to shout “hoyee Samia” to the schoolchildren and claiming that the projects were the fruits of The Royal Tour … This is a travel show with the president as tour guide and it premiered in April last year, in which further insults were thrown at the Maasai. The researcher Alex Dukalskis calls the show “authoritarian image management”. Government supporters as an act of faith must describe this travel show as the reason for recovered tourism arrivals after the pandemic. I am yet to find any non-Tanzanian online who has heard about The Royal Tour. The DC, a human rights criminal standing at the side of every government official who came to participate in the brutal war against the Maasai, managed to get his name on the inauguration plaque on the wall.

Carbon offsets MoU with Dubai company

On 6^th February 2023 in Dodoma the "member of the Dubai royal family" (it is how he was described, without name, on the Ikulu, State House, social media). Sheikh Ahmed Dalmook Al Maktoum met with President Samia Suluhu Hassan, Vice President Philip Mpango, Minister Pindi Chana, and other leaders. A MoU on carbon offsets was signed between the royal family member’s company, Blue Carbon, and Tanzania Forest Service Agency.

Cargo plane again

On 10^th February it was reported, and photos shared, that a UAE military cargo plane had landed in Wasso. Now Sheikh Mohammed is expected to arrive, but that is always the case when cargo planes are landing, while most times it does not happen. There is no explanation to why the plane landed in Wasso and not on OBC’s airstrip. In the past heavy rains have been mentioned as an explanation, but it is not raining now. Is it to get an audience that is no longer available at the stolen land? It was market day. A bait to divert attention, since Tanzanians lately show such strong reactions to planes? No idea. I am speculating loosely and am currently without guidance.

Added: mobile OBC camps

Minutes after I had published this blog post, blurry pictures of what seemed to be mobile camps were shared in WhatsApp and Twitter. Apparently, OBC have set up several camps in Oloipiri, Soitsambu, Arash, and elsewhere, for some reason reportedly outside the illegally demarcated area. It is said that it is the “member of the Dubai royal family”, Sheikh Ahmed Dalmook Al Maktoum, with the dubious carbon offsets, who is visiting. Though exact information is never obtained this fast, or my blog posts would not always be delayed.

Government commandeered visit by the African Commission on Human and People’s Rights

As mentioned in an earlier blog post, on 23^rd October 2022, at the 73^rdsession of the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights in Banjul, the Tanzanian representative, Deputy Minister of Constitutional and Legal Affairs Geophrey Mizengo Pinda in a speech repeated the Tanzanian government’s brutal and shameless lies about Loliondo – that it would be a “protected area” that had been “invaded” and that no human rights had been violated. This was particularly painful to see, since it was the deputy minister’s own father, PM Mizengo Kayanza Peter Pinda who in a speech on 23^rd September 2013 in Wasso stopped the threats by then Minister Khamis Kagasheki to commit the current lawless brutality already that year. Pinda Senior declared that the land belonged to the Maasai who should go on with their lives as before, and that Kagasheki would not be allowed to bother them anymore. The Commission was invited to Tanzania by one of the main responsible for the land theft and brutality in Loliondo, Minister Damas Ndumbaro.

Not until 18^th January did Tanzanian indigenous people’s CSOs, notably PINGOs Forum, that engage with the Commission in several working groups on indigenous peoples get informal and unofficial information about the visit. Several organizations wrote a letter of concern and got a reply that “The Commission has duly noted your observations as it engages with government with good people of Tanzania”. On 19^th January the Commission uploaded a press release to their website, which came to the CSOs attention on the 23^rdwhen the Commission, led by commissioner Ourveena Geereesha Topsy-Sonoo, was already in Tanzania. The ACHPR called the visit a Promotion Visit, “Specifically, to seek information on and assess the situation of human rights of Indigenous Populations/Communities in Tanzania, including particularly to review the situation in Loliondo Area and Ngorongoro Park.”

On 23^rd January, the CSOs were in an ad hoc manner added to a meeting with the Commission at the Ngorongoro Conservation Area Authority (one of the main perpetrators) building in Arusha. Initially, only Tanzania Human Rights Defenders Coalition and Legal and Human Rights Centre had been invited as non-state actors, besides Tanganyika Law Society that nowadays is a de-facto state actor, and the anti-pastoralist WWF and AWF. CHRAGG and TACAIDS were listed by the Commission as non-state actors, but are government organs, also formally.

On 24^th January, the Commission visited Ngorongoro Conservation Area, NCA (not to be confused with Loliondo). The previous day, the Commission had accepted meeting affected community members in Mokilal village where they had gathered. However, arriving in NCA vehicles, accompanied by the Ngorongoro DC and his team, and with heavy security, the Commission was instead diverted to Nainokanoka where the DC had prepared people that would say that they were willing to relocate to Msomera. Still, other villagers wondered why the Commission was in Nainokanoka when people from all wards had gone all the way to Mokilal to meet them, and they got some limited space to express their views. Then the Commission made a touristic visit to Ngorongoro crater and arrived late at Mokilal. The DC on the spot made up a new law that since flags must be hauled at 6 pm, there could be no international meetings after that.

Despite of the DC’s presence, conspicuously taking notes, and the very limited time given to them, people in Nainokanoka and Mokilal managed to tell the Commission about the many violations committed by the Tanzanian government. The chairman of Nainokanoka, Daniel Kois, with confidence in front of the DC, explained that the relocation plans to Msomera had been done in an underhanded, non-participatory way. A woman explained that families with several wives were given one house. Others mentioned that those relocating were given other people’s land. The increasing restrictions on life in Ngorongoro, to push people to relocate, were described. Some had brought sacks of adulterated salt (confirmed by laboratories), given by NCAA to compensate for the loss of salt licks since access to Ngorongoro crater was banned in 2017. This substandard salt has reportedly caused the death of many cows. Funds for new toilets for Msomera school, a few metres away, had been diverted to Handeni (official documents ordering the transfer of COVID19 funds for schools have been shared, also in this blog). There were horrific details about the catastrophic effects of lack of access to water in two wards since September 2022, through government decision, and not suffered by tourists.

The CSO’s – some of which, while working hard behind the scenes, have the past years practised the most painful public silence, sometimes coupled with questionable praise of government, sent a letter of alert to the ACHPR, which was publicly shared. Their obvious concern was, “As CSO’s we strongly believe, that using the state party machinery to organize community meetings, it’s not likely to get right respondents, if so, compromise freedom of expression, poses security issue and intimidate indigenous people to provide information and evidence. Ultimately it will be difficult to have an objective and independent report of the Commission.”

This should have been particularly obvious in the case of Loliondo that’s basically under military occupation, and where all councillors from affected wards were preventively, the day before the illegal demarcation started, locked up on bogus charges, carrying capital punishment, for over five months, together with people suspected of sharing information about the violence.

On 25^th January, the Commission flew to Loliondo on planes belonging to the Tanzania National Parks Authority, TANAPA, to again meet with the DC and whoever he had brought. It seems like nobody from the worst affected villages was invited, not a single village leader or ward councillor, and that some compromised and opportunistic CSOs were there instead of those slightly more credible that have actually worked to defend land rights. Victims of the government’s land theft and violence were waiting in Wasso, but first the Commission was to take a tour, in a convoy of over thirty vehicles, mostly police and other security, of the land that brutally and lawlessly had been turned into a “game reserve”. Somehow “security concerns” arose, Wasso had become “too dangerous”, and the delegation was diverted to Ololosokwan, 45 kilometres away. Victims gathered in Ololosokwan to give testimony, thinking that their prayers had been answered and that the international body would come to rescue them, but waited in vain for hours, then it was too late, and the Commission had to leave Loliondo. A clip in which Salangat Mako, one of those waiting in vain, in English delivers his message to the Commission was shared online.

The following day, the Officer Commanding District came to Ololosokwan to say that the gathering waiting for the Commission had not had a permit, and that Salangat, who was not present, had used a graduate’s English to talk trash. Salangat received threats and fled to Kenya. It has later been reported that the District Assistant Investigation Officer is searching for him, and the Officer Commanding District has called a relative to say that Salangat should report to his office.

On 26^th January, the Commission visited Msomera to where the Tanzanian government wants to relocate the Maasai of NCA (note that this does not concern Loliondo). In between the government horror show there was some limited space for Msomera villagers to voice their grievances. Msomera is a registered village with its land use plan and the villagers were informed by surprise and at gunpoint that Maasai from Ngorongoro would be accommodated on their land. One woman said that she was held in a police cell with a three-month old child for preventing a Ngorongoro migrant from planting in her farm. A former CCM ward chairman had been dispossessed of his 50 acres of land to be given to the Maasai from Ngorongoro.

Most of the space in Msomera was taken by the Tanga Regional Commissioner who engaged in the government’s favourite malicious lie. The RC in the most threatening way claimed that Msomera would have been a protected area and that no certificates issued after the declaration of Handeni GCA would be valid! As everyone should have understood by now, game controlled areas before Wildlife Conservation Act 2009 did not restrict human activities and totally overlapped with registered village land. In WCA 2009 GCAs are the same as game reserves – with almost total restrictions – but all GCAs were supposed to be revised within one year of the act coming into operation. Not a single GCA as in WCA 2009 was declared until Minister Pindi Chana illegally declared a new GCA upon the old extinct (since GCA and village land are no longer allowed to overlap) one in Loliondo, which four months later – equally illegally – was changed to a “game reserve” by President Samia.

On the 28^th some people from Loliondo were taken to Arusha to give their testimony in the premises of the African court. I was informed that nobody at all from Ololosokwan came. They had lost all faith in the Commission. Later I have been told that one person from Ololosokwan was there. Methew Siloma, councillor of Arash, broke the mortal silence that has been kept by the victims of over five months in remand prison on bogus murder charges, to say that those claiming that leaders were not arrested during the attack on Loliondo were wrong. The Malambo councillor was also there, but I do not know who was saying what. Thomson Safaris were mentioned, and it is good that those violent land grabbers and ruthless hypocrites were exposed, even if it may further confuse the Commission. I hope (and expect) there were testimonies about the illegal alienation of around 75% of the grazing land belonging to pastoralists affected by the hunting block in Loliondo and Sale Divisions. The remaining land contains two towns, the district headquarters, the private nature refuge occupied by Thomson Safaris, agricultural land, and forest reserves. I also hope victims of illegal cattle seizure, illegal arrests, malicious prosecution, gunshots and beatings, destruction of houses, thefts of motorbikes and smartphones, had their say. Reportedly, everything said at this meeting, of which I have seen very limited video clips, was astonishing news to the commissioners that had let themselves be shepherded by the government. Though judging by the final communiqué, they did not even hear what councillor Siloma had to say …

Also on the 28^th, the Commission and the Tanzanian government held a press conference. I have seen some clips and they are not pretty at all. In the longest one Minister Pindi Chana goes on and on about that the Maasai of NCA are being relocated for “human rights”, particularly mentioning various small businesses that are not allowed in NCA. It is as if Chana has not noticed that it is her own government and her own ministry that is restricting human rights in NCA.

Commissioner Litha Musyimi-Ogana, Chairperson of the Working Group on Indigenous Populations/Communities and Minorities in Africa is seen in a brief clip saying that the government, with other partners, like UNESCO, thought it important to leave a 1,500km² corridor for wildebeest. She concludes that the Commission saw the beacons, but did not see the villages in the 1,500km², so they can not talk authoritatively, but think that the reports by both the government and the affected communities have “enough truth” to help them come up with the right recommendations.

UNESCO’s role as an instigator of the restrictions and threats against the Maasai of NCA is widely documented, even if the international body will still deny it. To the Commission it was made more than clear, by the executive secretary of the Tanzania National Commission for UNESCO, Hamisi Malebo, that UNESCO also supports the brutal and lawless demarcation of an illegal “Pololeti Game Reserve” in Loliondo. This liar claimed that it was done “amicably” and that the 1,500 km2 has “never been inhabited”.

The Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism started making social media posts saying that the Commission had confirmed that the government adhered to human rights when relocating Ngorongoro Maasai to Msomera. Not sure what the ministry based this on.

As said, I have only heard pieces of what the Commission said at the press conference, but it I have been told that it was the same as a disappointing final communiqué that has been shared by some people. This communique, as mentioned, misidentifies state-actors as non-state actors, incorrectly claims that the Commission “Visited various local pastoral communities in Loliondo who are not willing to relocate in order to hear directly from them”, and gets into some surreal praise of the Tanzanian government. Then it very briefly and timidly mentions some “concerns”. Worst is that the Commission does not seem to have understood what has happened in Loliondo and Sale. It is even unclear if the Commission has understood that Msomera does not concern Loliondo and Sale. The core issue of illegal land alienation is not mentioned, and neither is the continued illegal seizure of livestock with extortionate illegal “fines”. No mention of the abduction of all councillors, except one who fled, at the eve of the illegal demarcation and their very lengthy malicious detention. No mention of opening fire at protesters, abducting Orias Oleng'iyo who has still not been returned, beatings, illegal mass arrests with the aim of silencing everyone, destruction of houses, theft, and massive malicious national and international lying by a long line of government figures.

Further, the question of the legality of removing people from NCA is not raised, or if the Ngorongoro Conservation Area Authority’s rule over the Maasai is legally acceptable at all. The communiqué does not even mention that the Tanga RC, standing closely at the side of the of the Commission, vociferously kept accusing Msomera villagers of being invaders with fewer rights than the Ngorongoro migrants (remember that the Msomera set-up is not about Loliondo).

On 30^th January, the chairperson of the African Commission on Human and People’s Right, Rémy Ngoy Lumbu, and some people who really should know better, visited President Samia and then it was announced that Tanzania will be hosting the 77^th Session of the Commission! The hyena hosting the commission on the right of goats …

A disaster, but we will see what the Commission’s final report says.

In December 2022, the UN Special Rapporteur on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, José Francisco Calí Tzay, was to visit Tanzania, but he simply called off the visit when the Tanzanian government insisted on managing him.

The giraffes on planes that I don’t want to write about (only for Tanzanians)

I am unfortunately again forced to write about “giraffes on planes”. In 2022, when the government totally exploded in violence and lawlessness, Tanzanians in social media at last started to understand and care about what is happening in Loliondo, some speaking up very loudly. Some still do. During the years of land threats, an increasingly repressive local police state, and mass arson operations, periodic rumours about wildlife being flown out of Loliondo always raised more interest and concern (but never any investigation) than the abuse against the Maasai. In January, or starting late December, the momentum again seemed to have derailed completely. Despite the brutal and lawless theft of the 1,500 km² Osero and the still ongoing massive human rights violations, “Loliondo” was again an issue about planes and giraffes, and this was not only based on relevant and irrelevant assumptions, but also on strawman arguments and the most embarrassing fake pictures from 2015 that was once again dug up. Most painful of all is to see the name “Pololeti” used uncritically as some kind of protected area. Just do not do that, unless you support the Tanzanian government’s crimes! With the shambolic and co-opted visit by the ACHPR, the discussion again gained some focus, but the giraffes are hard for most to leave …

It should be said that I am alone in this concern. Everyone else, also serious people, think it is good that people who may not have heard about OBC’s involvement in wildlife crime, now get a chance. Some of them are themselves also discovering it for the first time. The problem is that, after the early 1990s, there is not anything to hear, except that planes from Dubai have been landing in Loliondo since “forever” and nobody has made any effort to find out what they are carrying. I have only superficial knowledge about “giraffes on planes”, and some other issues worth having a look at, which I will list here, but at least I am not making things up.

This time it all started with a huge Antonov 124 plane that landed at Kilimanjaro International Airport from Abu Dhabi (not Dubai) on 22^nd December 2022 and returned to Abu Dhabi the same day. This plane is said to have secretly flown to Loliondo and picked up live animals, but I have not seen any evidence at all of this. Something was carried or picked up, and airport workers must know, but nothing at all has been revealed. Then old pictures of planes landing in Loliondo, recent pictures of the same, and old fake pictures of giraffes were shared.

Government spokesperson Gerson Msigwa issued a stupid statement denying that any wildlife was being trafficked out of the country, adding the obligatory “state religion” comment that President Samia’s participation in the outside Tanzania almost unknown cheesy travel show, The Royal Tour, has led to increased tourism arrivals. He also mentioned that a plane like the Antonov cannot land in “Pololeti” and hearing that name, that used to just refer to a river, hursts like a thousand knife stabs. I should not get into technical details about planes, since I have no competence at all for that, but some quick googling and Google Earth indicate that OBC’s runway may indeed be insufficient for the Antonov. Then some online commentators thought that the spokesperson was proven wrong, since there is some evidence, also recent evidence, that military cargo planes and private jets from Dubai land in Loliondo, which is not that surprising when it has been done quite openly for decades. Gerson Msigwa does of course not have any personal knowledge at all about the issue but is tasked with denying anything that could put the government in bad light. For some reason, a picture I took in 2011 was in social media used by the spokesperson as a background to the audio with the denial. This is not important, but very strange.

Fake giraffes

Most annoyingly, fake pictures of giraffes from September 2015 have once more been circulated. Pictures of two planes on OBC’s airstrip (Sheikh Mohammed was visiting with a big entourage, including many European looking young women, according to a journalist who was present at KIA) were widely shared, but then someone, still unknown, decided to edit one photo adding a vehicle with a captured giraffe. This was obvious, not only because the original picture was available, but the giraffe was not a Maasai giraffe, which is the only subspecies found in Tanzania. It did not stop some opposition supporters from making the picture go viral together with all kinds of random photos of people capturing giraffes, without any connection at all to Loliondo, or Tanzania, and there was no way of stopping them. This was during the election campaign 2015 and while some were just confused, others were clearly doing it in bad faith. I will not share the giraffe picture again.

2015

Worst of all, in 2015, there had already been an illegal evictions operation with mass arson in 2009, a serious threat of the crime later committed in 2022 had been stopped in 2013, the local police state kept worsening with heavy harassment of anyone who could speak up against the investors, but all this was ignored as not as interesting to use against the government as some fake giraffe pictures. Loliondo activists at that time did not participate in this nonsense, which even so was quite damaging. There has regularly been some limited sharing of those terribly fake pictures, but now, when the Maasai of Loliondo suffer under a brutal and illegal occupation by security forces, they were brought back in full swing. It is incomprehensible and it feels like it all would be planted by the government in some way …

My guess

I am not saying that there is not any wildlife trafficking from Loliondo. If I am to guess, like everyone else is doing, I would even say that it is very probable, since:

A, there is a demand in Dubai, and the rest of the UAE. There are many public zoos, usually called safari parks, and it is not uncommon for private individuals to keep African wildlife as pets, particularly the royal family, even if there was a ban on big cats in 2017.

B, OBC’s activities are not being monitored at all (the same applies to other hunting operators) and brutal lawlessness reigns in every other area of the local Loliondo police state at the service of “investors”, so why not in wildlife trafficking?

Zero investigation after the 1990s

In articles from 1993 by Stan Katabalo (not online, but accessed by my friend, and remembered by Tanzanians who were around at that time), among other hunting abuse, did report about wildlife trafficking by OBC. The trafficking seems to at that time have been done in a chaotic way, already before the starting date of OBC’s first contract for the hunting block, with one gazelle dropping dead at Kilimanjaro International Airport. Abdulrahman Kinana, representing the Tanzanian government, was already escorting the current ruler of Dubai, Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum and OBC’s owner Mohammed Abdulrahim Al-Ali. The abuse is reportedly further detailed in the Marmo report that resulted from the investigation by a Parliamentary Select Committee. I have never been able to get hold of this report.

A Kenyan organization started investigating together with Moringe Parkipuny (first MP for Ngorongoro and first in joining the Maasai struggle to the international indigenous people’s struggle) in the early 2000s, but the director stopped communication when he moved to the USA. A decade later, Parkipuny was not pleased when informed that the unfinished and outdated report was still online. The director has now been back in Kenya for years and is a politician who assisted with humanitarian aid for the Tanzanian refugees in June 2022.

As mentioned, OBC’s rangers have worked with “anti-poaching” so tightly with TAWA rangers, their predecessors, and probably those who have taken over after TAWA, that the different rangers have been indistinguishable. There has not been any monitoring done by Tanzanian authorities at all.

Tanzanian journalists, after the 1990s, have never gone further than quoting some random documents in possession by local activists. Through all these years, nobody has made any effort to properly investigate neither the much gossiped about hunting abuse, nor the much more openly committed massive crimes against land rights and human rights, that for most of the time has been found less interesting and even less upsetting by the Tanzanian commentariat. OBC staff, when asked if they have got any pictures, will just say that it is “not allowed”. All hunting pictures available have been shared by the crown prince of Dubai, who has not posted any of dead mammals since 2009. Though it should also be remembered that at the same time as smartphones have become available, repression has worsened both in the local Loliondo police state and in Tanzania as a whole.

Actual giraffes on planes in 2010, but NOT involving OBC, Dubai or Loliondo

In 2010 there was a case of wildlife trafficking that led to trial, but it did not involve OBC or Loliondo. The Pakistani wildlife smuggler Ahmed Kamran coordinated the transport on a Qatari military plane from Kilimanjaro International Airport (KIA) to Qatar illegally carrying 136 live animals, including four giraffes. This must be where all the giraffe “theories” come from, while nobody remembers the details. Most Tanzanian articles are no longer online, but some remain. The smuggling involved government officials and airport staff and led to the sacking of the director of wildlife, and a one-year ban on exports of live wildlife. Apparently, when the case was finalized in 2014, only Kamran got a prison sentence, while cases against everyone else involved had been dropped. Kamran had however disappeared during the trial and an Interpol search was launched. Later the Raia Mwema reported that Kamran had been granted all necessary permits by Tanzanian authorities. It is not known where the animals ended up after landing in Qatar.

The ban on wildlife exports

In March 2016, the Tanzanian government imposed a ban on exports of live wildlife due to irregularities. In November 2021, Deputy Minister Mary Masanja announced a three-month grace period for exporters that had animals with export licenses in their custody when the ban was imposed. Then on 4^th June 2022, TAWA in an official notice, announced another grace period, this time of six months. After protests online, already the following day, Minister Pindi Chana reversed this decision, stopping any exports until the government receives “official information from relevant institutions”.

Nothing of this apparent sensitivity to public opinion was shown when Tanzanians online and international organizations - even some of those otherwise involved up to their necks in the war against Maasai land rights (FZS and IUCN) protested the lawless brutality and illegal land alienation in Loliondo. It just goes on with herders cut off from important grazing on village land unlawfully declared a “game reserve” and extreme pauperization through illegal seizure of livestock. The councillors of the affected wards could stay illegally locked up on obvious bogus charges and nothing happened until the government had achieved its evil purpose. This indicates that the government has the support of important organizations and state actors. The Germans are doing it quite openly.

Green Mile Safari

Not a case of illegal exports, but of terrible hunting abuse, was exposed in 2014.

Green Mile Safari, another UAE hunting company, became internationally infamous after a video of horrible hunting abuse, uploaded by an indiscreet client, and probably thanks to Green Mile’s business rival, Wengert Windrose, part of the Friedkin group of companies, became internationally viral and was shown in the Tanzanian parliament in 2014. Minister Nyalandu shortly thereafter revoked Green Mile’s hunting blocks for violating Wildlife Conservation Act 2009. Since then, ministers have been taking turns either chasing away or bringing back Green Mile. In 2016 Jumanne Maghembe brought Green Mile back, since there was not any court conviction, and there was a negative international reaction to this. In 2019 Hamisi Kigwangalla revoked Green Mile’s license for breaching hunting regulations. Then again, in April 2021, Damas Ndumbaro brought Green Mile back to Lake Natron GCA East hunting block (in Longido, not to be confused with Loliondo) against protests by local villagers that claimed that the company owed them money and was responsible for turning a blind eye to, or being directly involved in, the poaching of 36 giraffes. In February 2022, Green Mile were given a 30-year Special Wildlife Investment Concession Areas (SWICA) license. This time, the return of Green Mile has been met with a strange silence. Not even Wildleaks, that earlier saw this misbehaving company as “their issue” has reacted. Just lately when the giraffes and plane nonsense was brought up again, has Green Mile been mentioned by Tanzanians online, but not much.

While Wengert Windrose seems to be much preferred by local Maasai affected by Green Mile, other companies in the Friedkin group have been deeply involved in human rights violations, notably Mwiba Holdings in the brutal evictions from Makao WMA in Meatu in 2011, with scarcely reported violent crimes during following years.

The weird trophy hunting debate

As mentioned, OBC are not monitored at all, since their rangers do “anti-poaching” totally embedded with government rangers. This case is the same with other hunting operators and is used as an argument for trophy hunting in the international debate. The argument is that the operators fund anti-poaching. I will not write about every strange twist and turn in this loud debate – there is a lot to say though … - except that Tanzanians are not participating in it at all, which would be logical, since they have bigger problems, except that in that case they would also not waste their time on giraffes and planes.

On both sides (the “antis” of course are more numerous and more varied) it is not uncommon to be against land rights and human rights (with some nasty examples of tour operators active in Tanzania) while both sides also compete in who better represents so-called “African communities”. At the same time, and by the same people, both sides argue that they are the best at “setting aside” land for conservation, and they do this at the same time as arguing that the other side is more “neo-colonial”. Namibia is the star example of the pro-trophy hunting side, with a few representatives that do not look so authentic, but which is impossible to know when not familiar with the situation on the ground. They look like what in Tanzania would be WMA fat cats, and do not hesitate to represent the issue alongside the absolute worst enemies of rural Tanzanians, like the director of wildlife, Maurus Msuha.

The trophy hunting supporters argue that Loliondo is a “political” and non-representative case (except for a South African reporter who repeats the Tanzanian government’s lies, without understanding them, and adding his own) when OBC has achieved exactly what is seen as most desirable – “setting aside” land. They keep showing maps of game reserves in Tanzania (with some non-hunting areas included) as an argument. Exactly how do they think game reserves are created?

Game ranching

The presence of African wildlife at Sharjah Safari Park in Dubai is not evidence that the animals are from Loliondo. There are other countries with African wildlife and there are legal exports from places like South African “game ranches”. Game ranching is currently being heavily promoted by TAWA and will undoubtedly - judging from the debate in South Africa - open a whole store of new cans of worms.

Zoom seminar with the worst of the worst, OBC’s Mollel included

A zoom seminar was held on 14^th January with some of the worst enemies of the Maasai, including Minister Pindi Chana, Ngorongoro Chief Conservator Freddy Manongi, Eblate Mjingo of TAWIRI, Mabula Nyanda of TAWA, Christine Mwakatobe of KADCO (managing KIA, Kilimanjaro International Airport), the Tanzanian ambassador to Saudi Arabia, Ali Jabir Mwadini and OBC’s managing director Isaack (Isaya Lesion) Mollel.

The reason for this seminary was obviously the rumour of wildlife trafficking, but most of it consisted of self-congratulation for Tanzania’s tourism product and increased tourist arrivals. The mentions, resembling the Emperor’s New Clothes, of President Samia and The Royal Tour were of course included. Any exports of live animals were denied. Planes are bringing tourists and their luggage, and there are rich tourists with private planes who bring containers with equipment, was the explanation. Mwakatobe did not mention the recent illegal demarcation of Maasai land, affecting eight villages, for Kilimanjaro International Airport. Mwadini said that there were many Arab tourists and that they enjoy hunting, particularly for the pot and using falcons (the latter in their home countries). Mjingo and Manongi incorrectly, and with great hyperbole, mentioned the necessity of setting aside “Pololeti Game Reserve” to save the wildebeest migration and water sources for Serengeti, but they did not even bother to lie about, justify, or in any way mention the illegality and massive human rights violations. They seemed sure that Tanzanians no longer care.

OBC’s managing director Isaack (Isaya Lesion) Mollel, Isaya Lesion is his official name, but he has always been known in Loliondo, and in media, as Isaack Mollel, explained that OBC’s owners are from the UAE, that the company drills wells, helps the hospital and schools, and regularly donates vehicles to the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism. They do not come to trophy hunt, but to relax, sometimes leaving without hunting and other times shoot some animal to have for dinner. This is maybe true, but hunting, however badly done, is far, far from OBC’s worst crime and I wish Tanzanians of good faith could take this seriously every day of the year ... Mollel also outrageously claimed that the game reserve will benefit surrounding communities since it will bring more photographic and hunting tourism.

Mollel become OBC’s managing director in 2007, and has seen (or with all probability funded) how the local police state reached insane levels of repression, illegal mass arson operations in 2009 and 2017 in OBC’s preferred hunting area, the still not denounced violence by soldiers in 2018, and in 2022 the lawless alienation of this area with an explosion of violence, and ongoing. In November 2009 Mollel was all over Tanzanian media boasting about how OBC had given the Office of the Arusha Regional Commissioner TShs. 156 million for surveying the land. The resulting draft district land use plan proposed turning OBC’s preferred 1,500 km² into a protected area, and the Maasai mobilized against this atrocity, which was rejected by Ngorongoro District Council in 2011. Then, as we have seen, the dangerous proposal has kept creeping up, vociferously with then Minister Kagasheki’s threats in in 2013, that thanks to Maasai unity and seriousness, were stopped by PM Pinda, until brutally and lawlessly implemented in 2022.

The divide and rule increased after the defeat of Kagasheki, and it was handled by Mollel, and by Thomson Safaris’ manager Yamat. An investor-friendly group of traitors crystallized, led by then Oloipiri councillor William Alais, and Gabriel Killel of the NGO Kidupo. With the increased repression in 2016, and multiple illegal arrests and malicious prosecution of some people accused of having communicated with me, OBC (reportedly Mollel and the assistant director) wrote a report, sent to the press, accusing the Maasai of being environmentally destructive, complaining about reduced trophies, about a “loophole” that made GCA 2009 impossible to implement, and about the “unrealistic size” of the hunting block. Then, PM Majaliwa tasked Arusha RC Gambo with setting up a select committee to solve the conflict. This committee reached a sad compromise proposal and while waiting to hear from the PM, unexpectedly, what everyone had fought to stop from being repeated after 2009 happened again and the Maasai suffered the terror of the 2017 operation.

The new minister, Kigwangalla, stopped the illegal 2017 operation and accused Mollel of having tried to bribe him more cheaply than he bribed his predecessors. He said that his ministry was infested by a whole corruption syndicate, and that OBC would have to leave Tanzania before January 2018. However, nothing happened, and Majaliwa, a month later, at the same time as announcing a vague, but terrifying decision about the land, said that OBC was staying. Kigwangalla changed to saying that OBC was not a problem, only Mollel. In 2018, repression deepened further, OBC again donated vehicles to the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism, and in November and December soldiers from a military camp set up the same year, started chasing people and livestock away from areas around OBC’s camp, even burning bomas in Ololosokwan and Kirtalo. The King of Morocco was expected, but his visit was postponed. Nobody dared to speak up, since everyone thought that Magufuli had ordered the abuse, and nobody showed any interest in Royal Moroccan Air Force cargo planes that landed.

In 2019, Mollel’s fortunes changed. I do not know why, but he had clashes of egos with both Kigwangalla and RC Gambo. Magufuli could have wanted to send a message to Abdulrahim Kinana (close to OBC since the early 1990s), and Bernard Membe (whom he perceived as a threat) that nobody is untouchable. There was also the opportunity to extort money via plea bargaining. OBC workers from Pakistan were arrested for lack of permits, and then Mollel himself was arrested and investigated by the Prevention and Combating of Corruption Bureau (PCCB). He was charged on ten counts of economic sabotage, forging documents and evading tax in relation to the import of vehicles from Dubai. Initially, and quite sensationally, someone at PCCB decided to deal with the Loliondo police state, the District Security Officer (spy chief), Issa Ng’itu, was arrested, found with money from Mollel on his SIM card, and involved in the vehicle dealings with Mollel. Though this case was quickly dismissed and silenced, and Ng’itu promoted to RSO in Rukwa. The local police state stayed intact. Mollel was locked up in Kisongo remand prison and his case kept being delayed. He stayed locked up even after writing to the Director of Public Prosecution seeking plea bargaining, without any serious prosecution, and not released until 2^nd October 2020 (when Magufuli was still alive, unlike the stories that some are fabricating). After a trip to Dubai, Mollel eventually returned to work. During his absence, OBC’s activities were sharply reduced, and herders were no longer being harassed. Though in September 2019, a genocidal Multiple Land Use Model review for NCA (not Loliondo) proposed annexing 1,500km² of the hunting block in Loliondo and Sale, and to turn this into a protected area with hunting, as OBC had always wanted, and as was brutally and lawlessly done in 2022, including the annexation.

Now Mollel is included in Zoom seminars with the Minister of Natural Resources and Tourism. Though he did not look quite comfortable. Maybe he knows that his place is in front of human rights courts, now more than ever.

Brief Loliondo hunting block background

Otterlo Business Corporation, owned by Mohammed Abdul Rahim Al Ali, that organize hunting for Sheikh Mohammed of Dubai, has the 4,000 km² Loliondo hunting block (permit to hunt) since 1993 (first contract signed in 1992). They got the hunting block in the Loliondogate scandal covered by the reporter Stan Katabalo in 1993. This area includes two towns – Wasso and Loliondo - district headquarters, agricultural areas, and Thomson Safaris’ land grab. So OBC have lobbied to have it reduced to their core hunting area bordering Serengeti National Park, and to make it a protected area (sadly, brutally and illegally gazetted in 2022 …) which would signify a huge land loss to the local Maasai, leading to lost lives and livelihoods.

In 2008, the then Ngorongoro DC Jowika Kasunga coerced local leaders into signing a Memorandum of Understanding with OBC. There were supposed to be talks to coordinate grazing and hunting, but when the 2009 drought turned catastrophic, OBC went to the government to complain. As a result, the village land in the 1,500 km² Osero – now fake and illegal “game reserve” - was illegally invaded by the Field Force Unit working with OBC’s rangers, with mass arson, dispersal of cattle, and abuse of every kind. 7-year old Nashipai Gume was lost in the chaos and never found, ever since.

The Maasai moved back, and some leaders reconciled with OBC that went on to funding a draft district land use plan that proposed turning the village land that had been invaded into a protected area. The Maasai were united, and the draft land use plan was rejected by Ngorongoro District Council in 2011.

In 2013, then Minister of Natural Resources and Tourism Khamis Kagasheki lied to the world saying that the whole 4,000 km² Loliondo Game Controlled Area (Loliondo Division and part of Sale Division of Ngorongoro District) was a protected area and that alienating the important 1,500 km² meant generously giving the remaining land to the Maasai. This huge lie and ugly trick did not work, since the Maasai were more serious and united than ever, garnered support from both the opposition CHADEMA and from CCM, and then PM Mizengo Kayanza Peter Pinda stopped Kagasheki’s threats.

After the unity, efforts to buy off local leaders started creating serious divisions and weakening. Some found it convenient to benefit from openly praising the “investors” and attacking the people who they at the same time expected to take risks to defend the land. Though nobody signed any MoU.

The investors (OBC and Thomson Safaris) had for years used the local police state that through the successive DCs, security committee, and most every government employee will threaten anyone who could speak up about them and engage in defamation and illegal arrests. The repression and fear of this police state became worse with Magufuli in office. There were lengthy illegal arrests, torture, and malicious prosecution, by 2016 – after OBC had written a report complaining about the Maasai and engaged the press - it was so bad that PM Majaliwa could enter the stage with a select non-participatory committee, set up by then Arusha RC Mrisho Gambo. Some of the members were local leaders and other representatives that found themselves at the opposite side of the people when marking “critical areas” under protests in each village. The proposal handed over to Majaliwa was seen as a victory, even though it was a sad compromise (a WMA) that had earlier been rejected for many years of better unity and less fear.

Maybe since the Maasai showed such weakness, the government went on with the unthinkable and while everyone was still waiting to hear Majaliwa’s decision, on 13^th August 2017 an illegal mass arson operation, like the one in 2009, was initiated and continued, on and off, well into October. Hundreds of bomas were razed to the ground by Serengeti rangers, assisted by NCAA rangers and those from OBC, TAWA/KDU, local police and others. People were beaten and raped, illegally arrested, and cattle seized. Some leaders were frightfully silent while others protested loudly. Minister Maghembe pretended that OBC’s land use plan would have been implemented and the operation was taking place on some protected land. Meanwhile the DC and Maghembe’s own ministry, said it was not about the 1,500 km², since Majaliwa was to announce a decision about that, but that village land was invaded because people were entering Serengeti National Park “too easily”.

The illegal operation wasn’t stopped until late October 2017, a couple of weeks after Hamisi Kigwangalla came into office. The new minister also made grand promises, like saying that OBC would have left Tanzania before 2018, but it was very soon clear that OBC weren’t going anywhere. On 6^th December 2017, Majaliwa delivered his vague but terrifying decision that was about, through a legal bill, creating a “special authority” to manage the land. He also said that OBC were staying. The decision was celebrated in the anti-Maasai press (Manyerere Jackton in the Jamhuri). Implementation was delayed, still no legal bill has been seen, and it would of course have been contempt of court.

In March 2018, Kigwangalla welcomed OBC’s hunters to Tanzania (directing himself to what he thought was the Twitter account of the Dubai crown prince), and in April the same year, OBC - once again - gifted the Ministry of Natural Resources of Tourism with 15 vehicles. In March 2018, a military camp was set up in Lopolun, near Wasso in Loliondo, first temporary, but eventually made permanent with donations from the NCAA.

In June 2018, the OCCID and local police tried to derail the case in the East African Court of Justice (EACJ) – filed during the illegal operation in 2017 - by summoning local leaders and villagers. Nobody dared to speak up about this, except for the applicants' main counsel.

On 25^th September 2018 – a year after the illegal operation - the court finally issued an injunction restraining the government from evictions, destruction and harassment of the applicants, but this injunction was soon brutally violated.

In November and December 2018, soldiers from the camp in Olopolun tortured people, seized cattle, and burned bomas in Kirtalo and Ololosokwan. This was the lowest point ever in the land rights struggle (until the current horror) and I have still not understood how it could happen without anyone at all speaking up. Local leaders claimed to fear for their lives and thought that the brutality was directly ordered by President Magufuli. When RC Gambo in January 2019 condemned the crimes in a very vague way, they changed to thinking that OBC’s director had contracted the soldiers.

There were finally some promising developments in 2019 when OBC’s director Isaack Mollel was arrested on economic sabotage charges and OBC toned down (they never left and Mollel was never fired) their activities on the ground. However, the local police state was not dealt with and following a lengthy stay in remand prison Mollel was out, and after a while he went back to work. Speculations about Mollel’s misfortune include his clashes of egos with Kigwangalla and Gambo, and Magufuli wanting to send a message to OBC’s old friend Abdulrahman Kinana (and to Bernard Membe) that nobody is untouchable.

In September 2019, a genocidal zoning proposal for NCA, which included the proposal to annex most of the 1,500 km² and turn it into a protected area allowing hunting was presented. This Multiple Land Use Model review proposal was met with countless protests from every kind of group of people from NCA, but near silence from Loliondo.

2021 brought Jumaa Mhina as new District Executive Director and he started working to kill the court cases against land grabbing “investors”. Though the village chairmen stood their ground and Reference No. 10 of 2017, Ololosokwan, Kirtalo, Oloirien, and Arash v the Attorney General of the United Republic of Tanzania continued before the EACJ until it was dismissed in September 2022. The case against Thomson Safaris in the Tanzanian court of appeal, however, was in 2022 killed using a law that was introduced after the case was filed.

Briefly about 2022 threats leading up to the brutal illegal demarcation

On 11^th January 2022, Arusha RC John Mongella summoned village and ward leaders from villages with land in the 1,500 km² to inform them that the government would make a painful decision for the broader interest of the nation. The leaders, even those who for years had worked for OBC and against the people, refused to accompany the RC for a tour of the 1,500 km², or to sign the attendance list. On 13^th-14^th January in Oloirien there was a public protest meeting and a statement by village, ward, and traditional leaders.

On 14^th February 2022, Majaliwa came and was not much better than Mongella, but too well-received, since something worse was expected, because of the crazy anti-Maasai hate campaign, and parliamentarians calling for tanks to be sent to Ngorongoro.

Three days later, on 17^th February 2022, in NCA, not Loliondo, Majaliwa ordered the disputed land to be marked by beacons, “so that we may know the boundaries” – while claiming that this was NOT a trick! Now we know what the intention was.

Then Minister for Natural Resources and Tourism Damas Ndumbaro on 8^th March 2022 re-introduced Kagasheki’s lies in an interview with DW Kiswahili, and on the 11^th Majaliwa again mentioned beacons and water projects when informing parliamentarians about a fake spectacle that he had set up in Arusha, without people from Ngorongoro, the previous day.

At a huge protest meeting in Arash on 19^th March, several leaders spoke up in defence of the land, among them the Arash ward councillor Methew Siloma spoke up very clearly and strongly. The message from this meeting was:

-PM Majaliwa is a liar.

-The Maasai are not renouncing one square inch of land.

-They request to meet with the president, since Majaliwa cannot be trusted.

On 31^st March 2022, Abdulrahman Kinana was brought in from the cold, after having fallen out with Magufuli, and is now Vice-Chairman of CCM mainland. Kinana is one of OBC’s and Sheikh Mohammed’s best and oldest friends since at least 1993.

CCM councillors that had spoken up against plans of robbing the Maasai of the 1,500 km² Osero were being intimidated, arrested, and summoned to be “interrogated” in Arusha. The councillors of Arash and Malambo had to keep reporting to the police.

On 25^th May 2022, a committee handed over their reports of “community recommendations” on both NCA and the 1,500 km² Osero in Loliondo to PM Majaliwa who said that he was going to work on the recommendations. The Loliondo/Sale report recommended a stop to any plans of alienating the 1,500 km², investigations into human rights violations, and the removal of OBC. That was what Majaliwa had to work with, but instead he stole the land, committed atrocities, and OBC is still there.

On 3^rd June 2022, Minister of Natural Resources and Tourism Pindi Chana in her budget speech announced that her ministry expected to upgrade Loliondo to a Game Reserve, but she did this while listing huge areas of Tanzania for the same expectation. That did not sound believable or realistic in any way, and there was hardly any reaction, except for an intervention by Ngorongoro MP Emmanuel Oleshangai.

Briefly about the brutal and illegal demarcation of a fake game reserve

On 8^th June 2022, Wasso town was overflowing with security forces that went on to set up camps on the 90 km stretch from Ololosokwan to Piyaya, and in Malambo. Almost every Tanzania Regional Police Commissioner vehicle was seen in Loliondo on the day. The Maasai held prayers and deliberations, and in Kirtalo on the 9^th a video clip with the message that they were ready to die for their land was prepared for Majaliwa. A coordinated threat with vicious propaganda, and the old lie from 2013, was issued primarily by Arusha RC John Mongella and PMKassim Majaliwa, assisted by speaker of parliament Tulia Ackson, and soon joined by too many government representatives.

All councillors from affected wards – except the Soitsambu councillor who managed to flee - were on 9^th June 2022, lured to a meeting by DC Raymond Mwangwala, they were abducted, bundled in two cars and driven to Arusha overnight. The following day illegal land demarcation - which is what Otterlo Business Corporation (OBC), that organizes hunting for Sheikh Mohammed of Dubai, for years has lobbied for - began in a rain of teargas and live bullets. Many Maasai were injured, and thousands fled across the border where many of them continued as refugees for many months, some still, with their cattle. The approximately 80 years old Oriais Oleng'iyo was last seen on 10^th June with bullet wounds and detained by the Field Force Unit few metres away from his home where security forces were firing fireworks. According to the RC, a police officer was killed by arrowshot.

There was a hunt for anyone who could have shared pictures of the crimes (which effectively has been done by everyone with a smartphone) and ten people, later joined by seven more, were illegally arrested, eventually, together with the councillors, charged with a bogus “murder”. The trial kept being postponed for inexistent “investigation”, and they continued locked up in remand prison for well over five months. Three were released for reasons of health and studies. The flow of information was almost completely cut after the in initial arrests.

On 15^th June 2022, Deputy Permanent Representative to the Tanzanian Mission to the UN in Geneva, Hoyce Temu, in a widely shared clip, denied any state violence, parroting the malicious and obvious government lie about a “protected area” that had been “encroached” and about “peaceful talks” with local residents. The councillors from affected wards were still abducted at unknown location, and their whereabouts were only known the following day when they were charged with “murder”.

Government representatives made multiple military style visits landing in helicopter to pose with beacons, tell lies, and issue threats.

Minster Pindi Chana without following any law or procedure declared the illegally demarcated land as “Pololeti Game Controlled Area” (GN No.421, 2022), which was announced in a zoom meeting.

Spineless diplomats applauded Minister Ndumbaro’s obvious lies about what was happening. Though many international organisations condemned the government’s actions.

Mary Masanja, Damas Ndumbaro, and UAE ambassador Khalifa Abdul Rahman Al Marzouqi

Maurus Msuha maliciously lying.

The much-expected court ruling in the case filed during the mass arson in 2017, and scheduled for 22^nd June, was the last minute shockingly postponed to September.

Houses were demolished or razed. TAWA illegally seized livestock and demanded extortionate “fines”. The dry season deepened without access to the most important grazing area. In Ormanie, Arash ward, on 27^th June, cows, donkeys, calves, and other livestock were shot by the security forces. There were mass arrests of people accused of being “Kenyan”.

Shot by security forces.

On 28^th September 2022, Minister Chana announced that the illegally demarcated 1,500 km² in Loliondo had been placed under the management of the NCAA.

On 30^th September the East African Court of Justice dismissed Reference No.10 of 2017 on the grounds that the Maasai had failed to prove that the mass arson of 2017 was committed on village land and not in Serengeti National Park.

TAWA, at the height of the dry season, continued illegal seizures of livestock and extortion of huge fines, 100,000 shillings per cow and 25,000 per sheep or goat. NCAA rangers were reportedly trained and set up camp. In Malambo, on 8^th November, the head of the NCAA camp announced that TAWA had left, and the boundaries were being guarded by the Field Force Unit.

On 31^st October, or 1^st November, it was announced that President Samia had on 14^th October declared a Pololeti Game Reserve (GN No.604, 2022). It came as a nasty surprise for the lawyers that on 1^st November were in court for the mention of Miscellaneous Cause No.09 of 2022, even if it seems like it was also on Tanzania Broadcasting Corporation the previous evening.

Three court cases have been filed to stop the brutal, fake and illegal protected area: one in the High Court and two in the East African Court of Justice, the ruling in the case filed in 2017 has been appealed, and there’s a contempt of court application.

On 1^st November, in an NCA advertorial in the extreme anti-Maasai newspaper the Jamhuri, a “conservator” for the fake and illegal game reserve – Pius Rwiza - spoke of how calm and wonderful everything is after the demarcation. He says that the Maasai understand the demarcation but must keep a further 500 metres away from it! And he wanted them to create WMAs, outside the illegally demarcated 1,500 km2, which is another kind of land alienation that also was included in the OBC-funded draft district land use plan that was rejected by Ngorongoro District Council in 2011.

Towards the end of October 2022, there were reports of a notice issued by the DC about redrawing of village boundaries with new village land use plans, and some 40 state security and surveyors on the ground. Through intimidation and government installed traitors, it was said that the land use plan had been passed, but that would of course not be legal in any way.

Between 14^th-17^th November 2022, nine immigration cases against 62 people who still had such cases pending after the mass arrests in June and July were discharged for want of prosecution.

On 22^nd November 2022, it was announced that the Director of Public Prosecution had no intention to continue with the ridiculous “murder” case against 24 people, including ten CCM political leaders. The leaders were whisked off to CCM internal elections to vote for candidates close to RC Mongella. They still – except for the councillor of Arash who testified in front of the ACHPR (but I’m not sure how much he said) and the Malambo councillor was also there - haven’t said one word about the atrocities committed during their over five months in remand prison.

On 20^th December 2022, in a ceremony with PM Kassim Majaliwa and Minister of Natural Resources and Tourism Pindi Chana, the German Ambassador to Tanzania Regina Hess handed over 51 vehicles, part of 20 million euros committed funds by Germany for emergency funding and recovery for biodiversity in response of COVID19 facilitated by the German development bank, KfW and Frankfurt Zoological Society, FZS. The vehicles will be distributed into Serengeti and Nyerere National Parks and Selous Game Reserve and will have a great impact on supporting “operations”. In the ceremony Majaliwa mentioned poachers and “encroaching livestock” as the objectives of those “operations”.

The Tanzanian commentariat toward the end of 2022, unfortunately, again became busy with wildlife trafficking from Loliondo, without presenting evidence. Even OBC’s Mollel participated in a zoom seminar organized to deny this.

Livestock keep being seized destroying everyone’s livelihood and mental health. 23^rd – 28^th January, the African Commission on Human and People’s Rights visited, specifically to have a look at Loliondo and Ngorongoro, but the visit was co-opted by the government and the Commission did not see a single victim from Loliondo. Salangat Mako from Ololosokwan recorded a message for the Commission and then had to flee to Kenya after threats.

Uproot the brutally and illegally planted beacons, shred the GNs to pieces, and punish every person involved in violence and land theft in Loliondo, Sale and Ngorongoro! Boycott Tanzania until the war against pastoralists and other rural people for “conservation” is stopped and the land returned!

“A word to you wicked and witchy king, watch your six, the curse of our suffering is on its way, an African version and recipe this time to fly you back to your desert, you are not the green type.”, (Salangat ole Mako)

Susanna Nordlund is a working-class person based in Sweden who since 2010 has been blogging about Loliondo (increasingly also about NCA) and has her fingerprints thoroughly registered with Immigration so that she will not be able to enter Tanzania through any border crossing, ever again. She has never worked for any NGO or intelligence service and hasn’t earned a shilling from her Loliondo work. She can be reached at sannasus@hotmail.com

Updates

14th February

President Samia removed Pindi Chana from the head of the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism and replaced her with Mohamed Mchengerwa, Minister of Culture, Arts and Sports. Chana was shifted to Mchengerwa's former ministry.

15th February

The police came to Salangat Mako's home searching for him.

16th February

The District Investigation Officer came to inspect Salangat's farm claiming to check on complaints. In the evening police from Ololosokwan and Loliondo came to his home.

19^th February

700 cows belonging to six different owners were seized in Ololosokwan, outside the fake and illegal “game reserve”, and 6 million (lower than the usual extortion rate) were extorted from the owners, without receipt. The cattle belong to Mogia Ndoinyo, Momon Koipa, Oloshuro Keshine, Kangai Tome, Kulana Koipa, Pardi Lemeria. I didn’t hear one word about this case until the 21^st when Maria Saraungi Tsehai tweeted about it!

20^th February

There was a public Zoom meeting in Endulen about the downgrading of the hospital, part of the restrictions to make to Maasai leave NCA. The meeting was attended by catholic bishops from around the world and a UN representative.

28th February

A most terrible meeting about the Ngorongoro District Land Use Framework Plan was held at the District Council.

3^rd March

62 cows from Sedui village in Alailelai ward (NCA) were caught in Sanjan, Ikariani in the fake and illegal “game reserve”. At the same time this area is in Alailelai (I don’t understand this part). The owners are searching for 6.2 million for the “fines”. Update: the "fines" were paid and the cows were released on 6th March.

11th March

47 cows belonging to Simat Rotiken were seized by rangers in Ololosokwan, on land illegally called a "game reserve". Since he didn't carry cash, the extortion "fine" was the regular TShs 4,700,000 (100,000 per cow).

12th March

It was reported that 600 sheep belonging to the Karinya family from Serng'etuny, Piyaya had one week earlier been seized in the Imbarbali area of Serengeti National Park, and taken to Naabi gate. This is technically more legal than the lawless extortion of herders on village land declared a fake and illegal “game reserve”, but cruel and totally disproportionate. The owners attempted to pay the extortionate TShs 12,000,000 fine, but this was refused by TANAPA/SENAPA that’s intent on finishing off the Maasai. On 15^th March a vehicle with loudspeakers was announcing the auctioning of the sheep in Mugumu and other places west of the national park. The sheep were sold on the 15^th.

15th March

There were reports that CHRAGG, Commission on Human Rights and Good Governance, a government organ, were in Ngorongoro, without any previous announcement.

16th March

At night 52 cows belonging to Mure Olemboye were seized in Ololosokwan on land illegally called a “game reserve”. The cows were taken to Klein’s gate and now the owner has to pay the extortion “fine” of 100.000 per head of cattle.

Later it was reported that the cattle had been taken to Bologonja, not Klein's, and that the Serengeti rangers want to auction them on 28th March.

21st March

On illegally demarcated village land in the Osero Sopia area of Ololosokwan village 400 cows belonging to people from Mairowa, Njoroi, Olekenta, and Osero Sopia (Ntasikoy Pere, Leshoko Tanin, Toroge Oriais, Kumoi Naing'isa, Orantai Nampaso) were seized and taken to Bologonja. On Friday 24th March, one of the cattle owners. Oriais Toroge, was arrested and taken to Mugumu. It’s not known what he’s accused of. The owners of the 400 cows will have to pay the usual extortion “fine” of TShs 100,000 per head of cattle.

22nd March

The case of enforced disappearance of Oriais Oleng'iyo of Ololosokwan, Loliondo division, in Ngorongoro District, Miscellaneous Criminal Application No. 68 of 2022 came up for hearing before Judge Gwae, in the High Court of Tanzania, Arusha Registry.

29th March

Karipoy Ngaiserry's cows were seized in the Oldoinyo Keri area of Ololosokwan, in the fake and illegal "game reserve", and taken to Klein's gate.

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Monday, 13 February 2023

The Tanzanian Government Commandeers the African Commission for Human and People’s Rights, Letting Maasai in Loliondo Wait in Vain - and Other Sad and Delayed News and Unanswered Questions

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