This year has been the worst
year ever. With extreme brutality, breaking every law, the Tanzanian government
has turned 1,500 km2 of important grazing land, legally registered
village land in Loliondo and Sale divisions of Ngorongoro district, into a fake
and illegal “Pololeti Game Reserve”.
This is not just a violent
operation that took place in June – when mzee Oriais Oleng'iyo was last seen
wounded by bullets and held by security forces. It is an ongoing brutal crime
that continues, in a most deadly way, until the illegal boundary beacons are
uprooted and the lawless Government Notice No.604, issued by the president,
thrown into the waste bin.
The land has been stolen, the
grass has been stolen, livestock keep being stolen and ransom fees demanded,
everybody’s mental health is stolen, all leaders – they had some moments of
usefulness early this year - have become useless cowards through terror. This
terror has been caused by the locking up of all councillors from affected wards
on bogus murder charges for over five months, reporting has almost stopped
through confiscation of smartphones, arrests, and additions to the murder
charges.
This crime is significantly
worse than the illegal evictions with mass arson in 2009 and 2017. Those
attacks had a start and an end when the Maasai could rebuild, while the current
brutality goes on and on.
In Ngorongoro Conservation
Area, not to be confused with Loliondo, restrictions have worsened and hate
propaganda in the press and in parliament have gone mouth-frothingly insane in
this year. It looked like it was there that the government’s violence would
explode, but instead, it did in Loliondo.
However, it is not only
Ngorongoro district. Samia Suluhu Hassan’s government is waging a war against
pastoralists all over Tanzania. The repression and lawlessness of the Magufuli
era have been kept while a crazy tourist cult has become state religion. A
cheesy travel show is the gospel and there is a promise of 5 million tourists
by 2025. Tanzania is a perfect candidate for a total tourism boycott.
Let's hope that we will meet 2024 without these two, at least not in their capacity as head of state/emirate. |
In this blog post:
The government’s
continued war against land and livestock
The dropped bogus murder case
Fake and forced land use plans
The war against livestock
The chief criminal Samia and
her German donors
Thomson Safaris
Ngorongoro Conservation Area
Court cases
Brief
Loliondo hunting block background
Briefly about
2022 threats leading up to the brutal illegal demarcation
Briefly about
the brutal and illegal demarcation of a fake game reserve
The government’s
continued war against land and livestock
The dropped
bogus murder case
As mentioned in the previous (now old) blog post, on 22nd November seven councillors of wards
affected by the brutal and illegal land theft, two special seat councillors and
the CCM district chairman, were released from over five months in remand prison
on “murder” charges. They were then driven directly to an internal CCM ruling
party election to vote for confidantes of the appointed main enforcer of the massive
human rights crimes, who with all probability ordered their illegal arrests, Arusha
Regional Commissioner (RC) John Mongella. Since, none of the councillors, who
early this year vocally opposed the increased land alienation threat, have said
one word about the unbelievably cruel crimes that have been committed during
their imprisonment, and continue being committed. This very much adds to
the sense of hopelessness. In the past I avoided party politics in this blog,
but the CCM ruling party is like a terrible sect destroying everything, not
least everyone’s mental health. In Tanzania, the death penalty is the mandatory
sentence for murder. People keep being sentenced and put on death row, but no
executions have been carried out since 1995. Still “murder” charges were found
to be a suitable “joke”.
I have heard from one of the apparently
very random people who were arrested for spreading information and then added to
the councillors’ bogus murder charges and locked up for over five months. I had
earlier not had any communication at all with this person who says that those
charged, while tortured were questioned about how I was helping them. His impression
seemed to be that I’m hardly helping anything at all. The torture was not only
committed at Loliondo police station, which isn’t surprising to anyone, but
also at Kisongo remand prison.
This malicious imprisonment
was solely committed to kill all the spirit of resistance. It’s more than obvious
that nobody made any kind of attempt at prosecuting those charged. The
councillors were charged with the “murder” of a policeman who was killed the day after they were abducted when lured to a meeting by District
Commissioner (DC) Raymond Mwangwala. At each court mention, the prosecution asked
for and was given more time for “investigation”, until the Director of Public
Prosecution decided to drop the charges, supposedly after the evil mission had
been accomplished.
Now, there are not any
alternative suspects for the supposed murder of Cpl. Garlus Mwita. He was
buried, but we only have RC Mongella’s word for what happened. Before the
casket was transported home, there was a requiem mass in Loliondo, which
Mongella used to stir up more support for the brutal land theft. He did that
while swearing that those who killed the policeman with poison-arrowshot (as if
that could be done by more than one person) would be hunted down, and Mwangwala
with much emotion threatened anyone sharing information online. If the cause
indeed was arrowshot, it was obviously self-defence and not murder. Anyway,
Garlus Mwita’s life was not important enough for authorities to engage in any
kind of real investigation, and if you are 36 years old, your profession is
anti-riot, and you are sent with hundreds of colleagues to Loliondo for land
demarcation, you know that you are sent to commit a crime.
The day that the charges were
dropped, in the courtroom there were all kinds of leaders who had earlier not shown any support. There was a deal,
and it keeps looking more and more horrible.
Fake and
forced land use plans
As reported in the previous
blog post, when everyone has been beaten into silence, the government moved
forward to impose fake land use plans on the villages, often using imposed and
compromised acting chairmen, but it is very difficult to ascertain if there is
any kind of meaningful resistance at all. There is a mix-up between “solving”
land conflict between villages in Ngorongoro district (one may wonder why it
has not been done long ago if it is so easy) and the most dangerous threat of
further land alienations via the imposition of Wildlife Management Areas (WMA).
Any kind of new land use plans in the villages that have lost massive land to
the illegal “Pololeti Game Reserve”, a crime contested by several court cases,
is of course not legal.
One example is Ololosokwan where
signs have been put up re-zone areas, outside the brutal and illegal demarcation,
for tourism and grazing only. Altough “grazing” seems to have been added to the
signs a later point and is a trick used against pastoralists. Once the land is
for tourism and grazing only, authorities will say that it is “empty” and steal
it for a protected area.
Salangat Mako is a small-scale
commercial cultivator of vegetables and fruits for years, appreciated by almost
everyone, and a “hustler” in the East African meaning of the word. He was summoned
to the Ngorongoro Officer Commanding District (OCD) in Loliondo town where he
was arrested and charged with:
-Agitating against the land
use plan.
-Agitating people not to move
from the area set aside.
-Cultivating near a water
source.
Sadly, it was Ololoskwan
village under the leadership of acting chairman Cosmas Olderika Leitura that
had sued Salangat. His farm is one kilometre away from the river source and
110 metres from the riverbed. He never received any notice and had not had any
complaints in the past. Salangat was released on bail after a one-night arrest
at Loliondo police station, and then had to return to the OCD the following
week when the harassment was delayed for yet one week. Charges against Salangat
were dropped on 16th December following the legitimate village
chairman, John Kambaley Pyando’s return from exile after the bogus murder case
had been dropped. This is the only indication of any beneficial activity at all
by any leader of affected wards and villages, and sadly it seems like nothing
more of that has later been seen.
Reportedly, it is the OBC camp
supervisor William Parmwat who is lobbying for zoning to prepare for a Wildlife
Management Area (WMA). Both the “conservator” for the fake and illegal “Pololeti
Game Reserve”, one Pius Rwiza, and DC Raymond Mwangala have been seen in media
talking about WMA, and such areas were, besides the alienation of the 1,500 km2
Osero, also in the OBC-funded draft district land use plan that was successfully
rejected in 2011.
The war
against livestock
The relentless and purposefully
poverty creating seizure of cattle this year, together with the massive land
theft, and not least the created cowardice, forms the darkest chapter of the
history of the Loliondo Maasai, and similar attacks are being committed against
pastoralists all over Tanzania. It is now raining, but in nearby areas, like Longido,
the drought has been catastrophic. I do not know if anyone in Loliondo is
counting the losses of a bad dry season combined with security forces keeping
cattle out of a huge and important dry season area.
Some pastoralist and human rights
organizations on 20th December made a press statement denouncing the
attacks against pastoralists all over the country, and on the 21st there
was another press conference in which the need for relief food for Loliondo and
Sale was brought up.
In the most lawless way, cattle
are still being seized on village land that illegally has been demarcated as a “game
reserve”, but also technically legally in Serengeti National Park, that was not
appropriated with free, informed and prior consent, but over 60 years ago and
not contested in court (not yet). It is important to keep those two issues
separated – so that allies may properly understand the court cases - even
if the national park seizures are being done in a cruel way and not following
procedures.
I fear I have only been informed
about a fraction of cattle seizures since the latest blog post that was posted on 24th November.
I am having some problems finding
out exactly who the rangers are, after the fake and illegal “Pololeti Game
Reserve” was placed under Ngorongoro Conservation Area Authority, NCAA. Some say
that they are all the same, so it doesn’t matter, but apparently Tanzania
Wildlife Authority, TAWA, left, and some security personnel trained for NCAA
are committing the crimes. They are assisted by anti-riot Field Force Unit, FFU,
teams from different parts of Tanzania. In Ololosokwan a team from Tanga was seen
but has left. Then came teams from Shinyanga and from Njombe, that is in the
far south of the country.
On 26th November
the 60 cows of Sarkay Tiiyee from Malambo were seized at a water point,
outside the illegally demarcated area. He had 100 cows, but 40 had already died
due to drought and theft of grazing land. It is the rangers stationed at the
Orng'oswa area that used to be part of Sanjan village in Malambo who are
committing the crimes.
On 27th November,
also in Malambo, 167 goats belonging to Kimani Taretoy Tiiyee were seized. The
rangers demanded 60,000 per goat and slaughtered 27 of them. They can do
absolutely anything since there is no one to hold them accountable.
On 2nd December
there was a terrible hunt for cattle from the villages of Ormanie, Mbuken and
Arash. Cattle found in Serengeti National Park were impounded at Eng’oswa (inside
the park, not to be confused with Orng’oswa in Sanjan, Malambo) and it was reported
that authorities wanted to auction them off. There were mentions that cattle
had also been seized in Ingarroi (Arash) on village land, but I have not been
able to confirm this. When there were auctions of cattle seized in Serengeti in
2017, it was talked about as something previously unthinkable in a district
with pastoralist majority. Everything has deteriorated very much and on 14th
December the lowest point ever was reached. The cattle were sold as unclaimed
property, since the owners were too afraid to present themselves in court, even
when there were lawyers supporting them. In 2018, when 163 heads of livestock
belonging to Neromboi ole Lindi were auctioned by Serengeti National Park, Arash
people got together and
managed to raise money among themselves that was submitted to the CCM chair and
the Council Chairperson/Arash ward councillor, to go to Serengeti to buy the
cows. The reason for this was the fact that it was a disgrace to let the family
lose their cattle and it could damage the image of the Loita for other
subtribes, it would be seen as weakness, the family would live in abject
poverty. Now disgrace is everywhere.
Livestock were lost in the
evening of 14th December in the Endepesi area of the Ndutu seasonal
pastures at Nasipooriong' village in Endulen ward (Ngorongoro Conservation Area).
On 15th December, the owners reported the cows as missing and found
that they had been taken into the park and held at Naabi Gate of Serengeti National
Park. Park authorities told them to go to the court to claim their cows because
they would not accept fines. The owners did not file a court claim, and the
cattle were sold. One lost 212 cows and the other lost 83 cows and 14 donkeys. There
are further heart-breaking details to this case that I may write about in the
future.
On 15th December some
1,500 (number not confirmed) cattle were unlawfully seized in the Orkimbai area
of Kirtalo, which is village land with the illegal “game reserve” on it. The cattle
were released after extortion fees were paid.
On 17th December, 600
sheep belonging to Malee Risando Lekitony, brother of the Malambo village
chairman, were seized almost inside his boma, not even in the illegally
demarcated area. Since the lawlessness is complete, the owner made sure to pay
2 million Tanzanian shillings to get his sheep back. Local leaders neither held
any meeting about this shameless crime nor did they mention it anywhere in social
media.
On 19th December
over 300 cows belonging to four families: Parmwat, Parmware Reyia, Odinga Tome,
and Maambuya Rotiken were seized at Oloosek, Ololosokwan - in the fake and
illegal game reserve brutally created in OBC's preferred area of the Loliondo
hunting block - and taken to Klein’s gate. The extortion fee of 100,000 shillings
per head was paid.
On 22nd December 400
cows from Arash, belonging to youths from the bomas of Sangok and Losekenja,
were seized on village land that has been illegally declared a game reserve. On
Christmas Eve, the livestock owners tried to inquire about the procedure to get
the cattle back and found that all the cows had been sold and were being loaded
onto trucks.
On 27th December, 4
cows belonging to Tumate Parmwat were illegally seized in Ololosokwan and the
owner was looking for money for the extortion fees. I have not yet found out if he succeeded.
100,000 shillings per head of
livestock has been the going rate for fines in Serengeti National Park for years
but has no support in the law that fines people grazing livestock in the park,
not cows. Imposing a fine of even one shilling on herders on legally registered
village land that illegally has been gazetted as a “game reserve” is a very
cruel crime, but rangers are lawlessly copying the 100,000 per head of
livestock fine from national parks. In a legal game reserve, the fine would be
no less than 100,000, but not exceeding 500,000 for a person grazing livestock,
not for cows.
Chief
criminal Samia and her German donors
As known, and many times
reported with more detail in this blog, shortly after coming into office, Samia
Suluhu Hassan held a speech complaining about the Maasai of Ngorongoro. Such
complaints have become her trademark together with her participation in the
Royal Tour – a travel show described as “authoritarian image management” by the
researcher Alex Dukalskis and in which further insults were thrown at the Maasai.
Government supporters as an act of faith must describe this travel show as the
reason for recovered tourism arrivals after the pandemic.
Under Samia’s rule, the land
rights and human rights situation has taken a sharp turn for the worse, not
only in Loliondo and Ngorongoro, but for pastoralists all over Tanzania. This
Christmas over 3,000 cattle have been seized and will be auctioned in Tarangire
National Park.
The coalition of “journalists”
– Habib Mchange, Maulid Kitenge, Deodatus Balile, and OBC’s own Manyerere
Jackton – that was formed early this year to literally engage in hate speech
against the Ngorongoro Maasai, has been organizing spectacles with Vice
President Philip Mpango to incite against the always threatened pastoralists of
Mbarali. Eight Maasai villages around Kilimanjaro International Airport have had
their land brutally and illegally demarcated for this airport. In Morogoro on
Christmas Eve the horrible PM Majaliwa was threatening pastoralists in the Kilombero
valley. And so on, and so on.
The crimes by the Tanzanian government
are, and have always been, supported by Germany. I wonder how many Germans have
a clue about this and if anything can be done to sue the Bundesrepublik for facilitating
human rights violations. In a ceremony with the worst perpetrators of the crimes
in Loliondo, PM Kassim Majaliwa and Minister of Natural Resources and Tourism Pindi
Chana, the German Ambassador to Tanzania Regina Hess handed over 51 vehicles
that – as reported by the embassy - are part of the 20 million euros (approx.
49.4 billion shillings) committed funds by Germany for emergency funding and
recovery for biodiversity in response of COVID19 facilitated by the German development
bank, KfW and Frankfurt Zoological Society, FZS. The vehicles will be
distributed into Serengeti and Nyerere National Parks and Selous Game Reserve
and will have a great impact on supporting “operations”. In the ceremony
Majaliwa mentioned poachers and encroaching livestock as the objectives of those “operations”. The following day, in a creepily gleeful way, the German
Embassy tweeted that during the vehicle handover ceremony Chana announced that
one rhino calf had been named Majaliwa after the PM and a second female calf
Regine after Ambassador Hess, “in appreciation of their efforts in supporting
conservation in Tanzania”.
Germany has for decades been lending
support for the Tanzanian government’s efforts to deprive the Maasai of the
Serengeti ecosystem of their land, and as seen – again and again - the
Germans are not taking any step back, regardless of information they receive about
the crimes. Reporting from a meeting with diplomats on 25th March,
the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism wrote that the German ambassador
Regina Hess, supported the government’s “efforts” in Ngorongoro. Meanwhile in Ngorongoro
Conservation Area this involves a well-orchestrated scheme to strangle the
Maasai in every aspect to enforce a relocation agenda. This support has not
been publicly denied in any way by the ambassador who – after the brutal and illegal
demarcation of the 1,500 km2 was launched – went on meeting and
smiling with some of the main responsible for the crimes in Loliondo, like RC
Mongella on 6th July, and talk about the “cooperation” between the two
countries, and the Germans keep showering the brutal and lawless Tanzanian
government with money. In August 2022, Bärbel Kofler, German Deputy Minister of
Economic Cooperation and Development visited Tanzania for more of the same.
In March 2017, then Minister
for Natural Resources and Tourism Jumanne Maghembe and Serengeti chief park
warden William Mwakilema (current head of Tanzania National Parks Authority, TANAPA)
told a parliamentary committee (and very much the press) that German funds
would only be released on condition of turning the 1,500 km2 into a
protected area. In Loliondo 600 women demonstrated against accepting the German
money. These conditions for releasing funds were not denied by the Germans
until two years later by representatives of the development bank in an
interview with Chris Lang. Then, while Loliondo was attacked by mass arson
implemented by Serengeti rangers in August 2017, a most revolting picture was
published of Hess’s predecessor Detlef Wächter. The picture showed Wächter
smilingly handing over buildings for park staff in Fort Ikoma, in Serengeti
National Park, to an equally smiling Minister Maghembe, while commenting on the
long and successful partnership between Germany and Tanzania in protecting the
Serengeti.
After the 2017 illegal mass
arson operation, the MP and the District Council Chairman said that there was
not any risk at all with accepting German funds, since they were meant for the
whole of Loliondo and Sale, not excluding the 1,500km2. However there haven’t been any projects at all
in the now brutally and illegally demarcated area, while water projects outside
it have been heavily used in government rhetoric for land alienation.
German-funded development
projects in the Serengeti ecosystem are implemented by Frankfurt Zoological
Society (FZS) and TANAPA through the Serengeti Ecosystem Development and
Conservation Project (SEDCP). TAWA is supported by German funds and advice.
However, this time even FZS, that never has said anything about violence for
conservation in the Serengeti ecosystem, seriously rattled by Survival International,
in June expressed shock about the violence in Loliondo and distanced itself
from any involvement in the land demarcation, but still claiming that the land
status would be “uncertain”.
Through the decades, FZS, the
Tanzanian government, and OBC share the same narrative about the Maasai, and
German funds keep being showered to prop of the crimes against pastoralists
committed Ministry of Natural Resource and Tourism and its parastatals in close
cooperation with Frankfurt Zoological Society.
The Germans
are well-aware about the human rights violations, but gleefully and defiantly
show that they do not give a damn. Please, can anyone help finding out how to stop
them and punish them?
Thomson
Safaris
As reported in many blog posts
before almost total silence started to reign, this safari company claim their
own private Enashiva Nature Refuge in the villages of Sukenya and Mondorosi, or
Soitsambu before the sub-division of villages. They base this claim on having
bought the right of occupancy from Tanzania Breweries that cultivated a small
part of it in the 1980s and then, using forged documents, got a 99-year right
of occupancy in 2003, selling it to Thomson in 2006. The right of occupancy was
for 10,000 acres that somehow was turned into 12,617 acres (51 km2) before
selling it to Thomson. However, most of all this land grab is based on the
Loliondo police state and Thomson’s way of learning and perfecting OBC’s
strategies of how to use it for divide and rule, violence, threats and
defamation via the DC, security committee, and government officials. Besides
the local Maasai, several journalists have experienced first-hand how this
local police state works for Thomson, and so have I. Maybe OBC have been
learning from Thomson as well. As reported earlier, inspired by the general
brutality and lawlessness, Thomson planted beacons demarcating their
fraudulently and violently claimed very private nature refuge.
In early October there were
reports that they were invading people’s farms and lokeri with road
construction. In Sukenya ole Musa was being invaded by this ugly land grabber,
and in Mondorosi, ole Nanyoi (Irmasiling) and ole Orgeso (Enadooshoke) were
under attack.
As reported in the previous
blog post, on 23rd October there was another exhibition of charity
as a weapon of war at Sukenya dispensary with Judi Wineland and DC Raymond
Mwangwala.
On Saturday 3rd
December Thomson Safaris staff were chasing away cows with the excuse that they
were having tourists in camp. One cow belonging to mzee ole Orgeso was killed
when hit by a vehicle and Thomson’s guards were beating children.
When will a new court case be
filed against these ruthless hypocrites, after the court of appeal killed the
old one using Magufuli era legislation that was younger than the case itself?
Don’t mix up with Loliondo!
2022 started with leaked “voluntary”
relocations plans for NCA and the most demented hate propaganda in the press
and in parliament. The always present restrictions have worsened, and already
granted COVID-19 funds for Ngorongoro have been transferred to Handeni. Some of
the inauthentic, the compromised and the naïve have relocated to Msomera. What
the NCAA in its plans had missed was a village with its land use plan and
villagers that weren’t consulted. Msomera villagers keep reaching out for
support to sue the people who invaded their land.
The ongoing court cases
against the fake and illegal “Pololeti Game Reserve” are Reference No.37 of
2022 in the East African Court of Justice and Miscellaneous Cause No.09 of 2022
(Application for Judicial Review) in the High Court of Tanzania.
After the applicants were
granted leave by the court on 16th November, the very substantial
Judicial Review Application was filed on 29th November.
Another Application for leave
to file Judicial Review against the president’s declaration of “Pololeti Game
Reserve” was filed in the High Court.
Then, since Reference No.10 of
2017 was inexplicably dismissed in the East African Court of Justice, there is
now Appeal No.12 of 2022 East Africa Court of Justice. Remember that, unlike
what some media, notably Agence France-Presse, have misreported, the ruling did
not uphold any decision to cordon off land. The ruling was that the Maasai
had failed to prove that the mass arson operation in 2017 took place on village
land and not in Serengeti National Park.
Application No.2 of 2022 is a
contempt of court application filed in January this year against RC Mongella’s
threats to invade and partition the 1,500 km2. An affidavit was
added after the criminal threat was implemented.
Then we have Reference No.29
of 2022 in the East African Court of Justice. This case is not about Loliondo,
but to challenge the coordinated and suffocating policies in the Ngorongoro
Conservation Area.
Brief
Loliondo hunting block background
The Otterlo Business
Corporation, owned by Mohammed Abdul Rahim Al Ali, that organize hunting for
Sheikh Mohammed of Dubai, has the 4,000 km2 Loliondo hunting block (permit to
hunt) since 1993 (first contract signed in 1992). They got the hunting block in
the Loliondo gate scandal covered by the reporter Stan Katabalo in 1993. This
area includes two towns – Wasso and Loliondo - district headquarters,
agricultural areas, and Thomson Safaris’ land grab. So OBC have lobbied to have
it reduced to their core hunting area bordering Serengeti National Park, and to
make it a protected area (sadly illegally gazetted this year 2022 …) which
would signify a huge land loss to the local Maasai, leading to lost lives and
livelihoods.
In 2008, the then Ngorongoro
DC Jowika Kasunga coerced local leaders into signing a Memorandum of
Understanding with OBC. There were supposed to be talks to coordinate grazing
and hunting, but when the 2009 drought turned catastrophic, OBC went to the
government to complain. As a result, the village land in the 1,500 km2 Osero –
now fake and illegal “game reserve” - was illegally invaded by the Field Force
Unit working with OBC’s rangers, with mass arson, dispersal of cattle, and
abuse of every kind. 7-year old Nashipai Gume was lost in the chaos and never
found, ever since.
The Maasai moved back, and
some leaders reconciled with OBC that went on to funding a draft district land
use plan that proposed turning the village land that had been invaded into a
protected area. The Maasai were united, and the draft land use plan was
rejected by Ngorongoro District Council in 2011.
In 2013, then Minister of
Natural Resources and Tourism Khamis Kagasheki lied to the world saying that
the whole 4,000 km2 Loliondo Game Controlled Area (Loliondo Division
and part of Sale Division of Ngorongoro District) was a protected area and that
alienating the important 1,500 km2 meant generously giving the
remaining land to the Maasai. This huge lie and ugly trick did not work, since
the Maasai were more serious and united than ever, garnered support from both
the opposition CHADEMA and from CCM, and then PM Mizengo Kayanza Peter Pinda
stopped Kagasheki’s threats.
After the unity, efforts to
buy off local leaders started creating serious divisions and weakening. Some
found it convenient to benefit from openly praising the “investors” and
attacking the people who they at the same time expected to take risks to defend
the land. Though nobody signed any MoU.
The investors (OBC and Thomson
Safaris) had for years used the local police state that through the successive
DCs, security committee, and most every government employee will threaten
anyone who could speak up about them and engage in defamation and illegal
arrests. The repression and fear of this police state became worse with
Magufuli in office. There were lengthy illegal arrests, torture, and malicious
prosecution, by 2016 – after OBC had written a report complaining about the
Maasai and engaged the press - it was so bad that PM Majaliwa could enter the
stage with a select non-participatory committee, set up by then Arusha RC Mrisho
Gambo. Some of the members were local leaders and other representatives that
found themselves at the opposite side of the people when marking “critical
areas” under protests in each village. The proposal handed over to Majaliwa was
seen as a victory, even though it was a sad compromise (a WMA) that had earlier
been rejected for many years of better unity and less fear.
Maybe since the Maasai showed
such weakness, the government went on with the unthinkable and while everyone
was still waiting to hear Majaliwa’s decision, on 13th August 2017
an illegal mass arson operation, like the one in 2009, was initiated and
continued, on and off, well into October. Hundreds of bomas were razed to the
ground by Serengeti rangers, assisted by NCAA rangers and those from OBC, TAWA/KDU,
local police and others. People were beaten and raped, illegally arrested, and
cattle seized. Some leaders were frightfully silent while others protested
loudly. Minister Maghembe pretended that OBC’s land use plan would have been
implemented and the operation was taking place on some protected land. Meanwhile
the DC and Maghembe’s own ministry, said it was not about the 1,500 km2,
since Majaliwa was to announce a decision about that, but that village land was
invaded because people were entering Serengeti National Park “too easily”.
The illegal operation wasn’t
stopped until late October 2017, a couple of weeks after Hamisi Kigwangalla
came into office. The new minister also made grand promises, like saying that
OBC would have left Tanzania before 2018, but it was very soon clear that OBC
weren’t going anywhere. On 6th December 2017, Majaliwa delivered his
vague but terrifying decision that was about, through a legal bill, creating a
“special authority” to manage the land. He also said that OBC were staying. The
decision was celebrated in the anti-Maasai press (Manyerere Jackton in the
Jamhuri). Implementation was delayed, still no legal bill has been seen, and it
would of course have been contempt of court.
In March 2018, Kigwangalla
welcomed OBC’s hunters to Tanzania (directing himself to what he thought was
the account of the Dubai crown prince), and in April the same year, OBC - once
again - gifted the Ministry of Natural Resources of Tourism with 15 vehicles.
In March 2018, a military camp was set up in Lopolun, near Wasso in Loliondo,
first temporary, but eventually made permanent with donations from the NCAA.
In June 2018, the OCCID and
local police tried to derail the case in the East African Court of Justice
(EACJ) – filed during the illegal operation in 2017 - by summoning local
leaders and villagers. Nobody dared to speak up about this, except for the
applicants' main counsel.
On 25th September
2018 – a year after the illegal operation - the court finally issued an
injunction restraining the government from evictions, destruction and
harassment of the applicants, but this injunction was soon brutally violated.
In November and December 2018,
soldiers from the camp in Olopolun tortured people, seized cattle, and burned
bomas in Kirtalo and Ololosokwan. This was the lowest point ever in the land
rights struggle (until the current horror) and I have still not understood how
it could happen without anyone at all speaking up. Local leaders claimed to
fear for their lives and thought that the brutality was directly ordered by
President Magufuli. When RC Gambo in January 2019 condemned the crimes in a very
vague way, they changed to thinking that OBC’s director had contracted the
soldiers.
There were finally some
promising developments in 2019 when OBC’s director Isaack Mollel was arrested
on economic sabotage charges and OBC toned down (they never left and Mollel was
never fired) their activities on the ground. However, the local police state was
not dealt with and following a lengthy stay in remand prison Mollel was out,
and after a while he went back to work. Speculations about Mollel’s misfortune
include his clashes of egos with Kigwangalla and Gambo, and Magufuli wanting to
send a message to OBC’s old friend Abdulrahman Kinana (and to Bernard Membe)
that nobody is untouchable.
In September 2019, a genocidal
zoning proposal for NCA, which included the proposal to annex most of the 1,500
km2 and turn it into a protected area allowing hunting was
presented. This Multiple Land Use Model review proposal was met with countless
protests from every kind of group of people from NCA, but near silence from
Loliondo.
2021 brought Jumaa Mhina as
new District Executive and he started working to kill the court cases against
land grabbing “investors”. Though the village chairmen stood their ground and
Reference No. 10 of 2017, Ololosokwan, Kirtalo, Oloirien, and Arash v the Attorney
General of the United Republic of Tanzania continued before the EACJ until it
was dismissed in September 2022. The case against Thomson Safaris in the
Tanzanian court of appeal, however, was in 2022 killed using a law that was
introduced after the case was filed.
Briefly
about 2022 threats leading up to the brutal illegal demarcation
On 11th January
2022, Arusha RC John Mongella summoned village and ward leaders from villages
with land in the 1,500 km2 to inform them that the government would
make a painful decision for the broader interest of the nation. The leaders,
even those who for years had worked for OBC and against the people, refused to
accompany the RC for a tour of the 1,500 km2, or to sign the attendance list.
On 13th-14th January in Oloirien there was a public protest meeting and a
statement by village, ward, and traditional leaders.
On 14th February,
Majaliwa came and was not much better than Mongella, but too well-received,
since something worse was expected, because of the crazy anti-Maasai hate
campaign, and parliamentarians calling for tanks to be sent to Ngorongoro.
Three days later, on 17th
February in NCA, not Loliondo, Majaliwa ordered the disputed land to be
marked by beacons, “so that we may know the boundaries” – while claiming that
this was NOT a trick! Now we know what the intention was.
Then Minister for Natural
Resources and Tourism Damas Ndumbaro on 8th March re-introduced
Kagasheki’s lies in an interview with DW Kiswahili, and on the 11th
Majaliwa again mentioned beacons and water projects when informing
parliamentarians about a fake spectacle that he had set up in Arusha, without
people from Ngorongoro, the previous day.
At a huge protest meeting in
Arash on 19th March, several leaders spoke up in defence of the
land, among them the Arash ward councillor Methew Siloma spoke up very clearly
and strongly. The message from this meeting was:
-PM Majaliwa is a liar.
-The Maasai are not renouncing
one square inch of land.
-They request to meet with the
president, since Majaliwa cannot be trusted.
On 31st March,
Abdulrahman Kinana was brought in from the cold, after having fallen out with
Magufuli, and is now Vice-Chairman of CCM mainland. Kinana is one of OBC’s and
Sheikh Mohammed’s best and oldest friends since at least 1993.
CCM councillors that had
spoken up against plans of robbing the Maasai of the 1,500 km2 Osero
were being intimidated, arrested, and summoned to be “interrogated” in Arusha.
The councillors of Arash and Malambo had to keep reporting to the police.
On 25th May a
committee handed over their reports of “community recommendations” on both NCA and the
1,500 km2 Osero in Loliondo to PM Majaliwa who said that he was
going to work on the recommendations. The Loliondo/Sale report recommended a
stop to any plans of alienating the 1,500 km2, investigations into
human rights violations, and the removal of OBC. That was what
Majaliwa had to work with, but instead he stole the land, committed atrocities,
and OBC is still there.
On 3rd June,
Minister of Natural Resources and Tourism Pindi Chana in her budget speech
announced that her ministry expected to upgrade Loliondo to a Game Reserve, but
she did this while listing huge areas of Tanzania for the same expectation. That
did not sound believable or realistic in any way, and there was hardly any
reaction, except for an intervention by Ngorongoro MP Emmanuel Oleshangai.
Briefly
about the brutal and illegal demarcation of a fake game reserve
On 8th June 2022,
Wasso town was overflowing with security forces that went on to set up camps on
the 90 km stretch from Ololosokwan to Piyaya, and in Malambo. Almost every
Tanzania Regional Police Commissioner vehicle was seen in Loliondo on the day.
The Maasai held prayers and deliberations, and in Kirtalo on the 9th
a video clip with the message that they were ready to die for their land was
prepared for Majaliwa. A coordinated threat with vicious propaganda, and the
old lie from 2013, was issued primarily by Arusha RC John Mongella and PM
Kassim Majaliwa, assisted by speaker of parliament Tulia Ackson, and soon
joined by too many government representatives.
All councillors from affected
wards – except the Soitsambu councillor who managed to flee - were on 9th
June lured to a meeting by DC Raymond Mwangwala, they were abducted, bundled in
two cars and driven to Arusha overnight. The following day illegal land
demarcation - which is what Otterlo Business Corporation (OBC), that organizes
hunting for Sheikh Mohammed of Dubai, for years has lobbied for - began in a
rain of teargas and live bullets. Many Maasai were injured, and thousands fled
across the border where many of them continue as refugees, with their cattle.
The approximately 80 years old Oriais Oleng'iyo was last seen on 10th
June with bullet wounds and detained by the Field Force Unit few metres away
from his home where security forces were firing fireworks. According to the RC,
a police officer was killed by arrowshot.
There was a hunt for anyone
who could have shared pictures of the crimes (which effectively has been done
by everyone with a smartphone) and ten people, later joined by seven more, were
illegally arrested, eventually, together with the councillors, charged with a
bogus “murder”. The trial kept being postponed for inexistent “investigation”,
and they continued locked up in remand prison for well over five months. Three
were released for reasons of health and studies. The flow of information was
almost completely cut after the in initial arrests.
As mentioned in several
earlier blog posts, on 15th June, Deputy Permanent Representative to
the Tanzanian Mission to the UN in Geneva, Hoyce Temu, in a widely shared clip,
denied any state violence, parroting the malicious and obvious government lie
about a “protected area” that had been “encroached” and about “peaceful talks”
with local residents. The councillors from affected wards were still abducted
at unknown location, and their whereabouts were only known the following day
when they were charged with “murder”. (Added 3rd January since Temu
is in the news for other reasons.)
Government representatives
made multiple military style visits landing in helicopter to pose with beacons,
tell lies, and issue threats.
Minster Pindi Chana without
following any law or procedure declared the illegally demarcated land as
“Pololeti Game Controlled Area” (GN No.421, 2022), which was announced in a
zoom meeting.
Spineless diplomats applauded
Minister Ndumbaro’s obvious lies about what was happening. Though many
international organisations condemned the government’s actions.
Mary Masanja, Damas Ndumbaro UAE
ambassador Khalifa Abdul Rahman Al Marzouqi. |
The much-expected court ruling
in the case filed during the mass arson in 2017, and scheduled for 22nd
June, was the last minute shockingly postponed to September.
Houses were demolished or
razed. TAWA illegally seized livestock and demanded extortionate “fines”. The
dry season deepened without access to the most important grazing area. In
Ormanie, Arash ward, on 27th June, cows, donkeys, calves, and other
livestock were shot by the security forces. There were mass arrests of people
accused of being “Kenyan”.
On 28th September
Minister Chana announced that the illegally demarcated 1,500 km2 in
Loliondo had been placed under the management of the NCAA.
On 30th September
the East African Court of Justice dismissed Reference No.10 of 2017 on the
grounds that the Maasai had failed to prove that the mass arson of 2017 was
committed on village land and not in Serengeti National Park.
TAWA, at the height of the dry
season, continued illegal seizures of livestock and extortion of huge fines,
100,000 shillings per cow and 25,000 per sheep or goat. NCAA rangers were
reportedly trained and set up camp. In Malambo, on 8th November, the
head of the NCAA camp announced that TAWA had left, and the boundaries were
being guarded by the Field Force Unit.
On 31st October, or
1st November, it was announced that President Samia had on 14th
October declared a Pololeti Game Reserve (GN No.604, 2022). It came as a nasty
surprise for the lawyers that on 1st November were in court for the
mention of Miscellaneous Cause No.09 of 2022, even if it seems like it was also
on Tanzania Broadcasting Corporation the previous evening.
Three court cases have been
filed to stop the brutal, fake and illegal protected area: one in the High
Court and two in the East African Court of Justice, the ruling in the case
filed in 2017 has been appealed, and there’s a contempt of court application.
On 1st November, in
an NCA advertorial in the extreme anti-Maasai newspaper the Jamhuri, a
“conservator” for the fake and illegal game reserve – Pius Rwiza - spoke of how
calm and wonderful everything is after the demarcation. He says that the Maasai
understand the demarcation but must keep a further 500 metres away from it! And
he wanted them to create WMAs, outside the illegally demarcated 1,500 km2,
which is another kind of land alienation that also was included in the
OBC-funded draft district land use plan that was rejected by Ngorongoro
District Council in 2011.
Towards the end of October,
there were reports of a notice issued by the DC about redrawing of village
boundaries with new village land use plans, and some 40 state security and
surveyors on the ground. Through intimidation and government installed traitors,
it was said that the land use plan had been passed, but that would of course
not be legal in any way.
Between 14th-17th
November, nine immigration cases against 62 people who still had such cases
pending after the mass arrests in June and July were discharged for want of
prosecution.
On 22nd November,
it was announced that the Director of Public Prosecution had no intention to
continue with the ridiculous “murder” case against 24 people, including ten CCM
political leaders. The leaders were whisked off to CCM internal elections to
vote for candidates close to RC Mongella. They still haven’t said one word
about the atrocities committed during their over five months in remand prison.
Livestock keep being seized destroying
everyone’s livelihood and mental health.
It’s time for radical
measures! I don’t know how, but the Tanzanian government must be stopped, and
the land returned to the villages.
Susanna Nordlund is a working-class person based
in Sweden who since 2010 has been blogging about Loliondo (increasingly also
about NCA) and has her fingerprints thoroughly registered with Immigration so
that she will not be able to enter Tanzania through any border crossing, ever
again. She has never worked for any NGO or intelligence service and hasn’t
earned a shilling from her Loliondo work. She can be reached at sannasus@hotmail.com
Updates:
6th January
In the evening cattle belonging to Marco Parmwat (28 cows) and the ole Nkinyoti family (don’t know how many) were seized on village land illegally declared a game reserve and held at Klein’s gate. The extortionate “fines” were paid the following day and the livestock will be released on the 8th.
At night and in the morning of
the 7th, Noel Jackson and Leyian Rotiken were brutalized by JWTZ soldiers
in Ololosokwan. Such brutality has been committed constantly since June.
14th January
A zoom seminar was held with
some of the worst of the worst, including Pindi Chana, Freddy Manongi, Eblate
Mjingo of TAWIRI, Christine Mwakatobe of KADCO (KIA), Mabula Nyanda of TAWA,
the Tanzanian ambassador to Saudi Arabia, Ali Jabir Mwadini and OBC’s managing
director Isaack (Isaya Lesion) Mollel.
19th January
Yesterday
123 goats, 44 calves and 1 cow belonging to members of the Tiiyee family were
illegally seized by NCAA rangers in Malambo. The calves were seized at Sanjan
river and the goats when on their way back tp Orng'oswa that’s their old home. Extortion
money has been paid, which is the same as buying back their own livestock from
the criminals (government).
20th January
Reports that over 100 sheep belonging to the Ngoya family were seized in Ololosokwan. The extortion fees were paid and the sheep released.
On 23rd – 27th
January a mission of the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights, visits
Tanzania to, among other issues, probe evictions of citizens from the
Ngorongoro Conservation Area and Loliondo. There are widespread fears of co-option
by the government.
The fears were confirmed on the 24th in Ngorongoro, 25th in Loliondo, and 26th in Msomera. In Loliondo the commission was prevented from seeing any victims at all. They were waiting in vain.
A clip of Salangat Mako who had waited in vain and had a message for the Commission was widely shared. On 27th January he received threats and had to flee to Kenya.
On 28th January Salangat's words were published in this blog. https://termitemoundview.blogspot.com/2023/01/guest-blogger-words-of-salangat-ole.html
I must publish a new blog post very soon!
2 comments:
well I've never been to Tanzania despite it being a place i've wanted to visit for at least 20 years now, though i did get close while in Qatar...This does seem to be horror story. Your phenomenal effort to document every outrage is worthy of a Nobel Prize. I hope Abdurazak Gurnah is aware of this blog. There are a huge number of novels and films to be produced based on the issues you are tracking and documenting, and there is plenty of talent in Tanzania (this I know) as well as evident cussedness in high places - as it the case most everywhere, I believe.
in any event, I am now in a much better position to glean an understanding of the issues and discussions I encounter in intermittent forays into Tanzania's twittersphere. Twitter and Tanzania are two very new landscapes in my life, but they are both vital, in some way. Thank you for what you are doing. Asante sana.
Thank you, M.K. Scott for your exaggerated praise and ideas!
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