Tuesday, 31 December 2024

Brief and Incomplete Report about Loliondo, NCA, and the President’s Commissions, with Uncertainties About Latest Developments

 

2024, another horrible year in Loliondo and Ngorongoro nears its end and for a change I’ll write a – relatively - brief blog post. Blog posts have this year been far too few and so lengthy that I fear nobody will read them. This is the result of that I’m no longer hearing from some important voices and  sometimes I must struggle to obtain basic information that should be shared speedily all-over. This leads to uncertainty and the need to hold off publishing, while there are new developments and the unpublished blog posts become longer and longer. Tough the fault lies also with my own strange sleepiness and lack of focus. I’m currently (at last) writing a “How Not to Write about Loliondo”-post, which is quite straight-forward about well-established events in the past that reporters, researchers and organizations still seem to insist on getting wrong. The problems with that post is finding the right tone and deciding how recent and significant the misinformation must be to get included.

 

This brief post will cover the uncertainty of recent news of two commissions set up by the president concerning Ngorongoro. These commissions are the result of the best news of the year 2024 – blocking of tourism traffic in Ngorongoro Conservation Area (Ngorongoro Division of Ngorongoro District) on 18th August 2024, followed by several days of mass protest gathering. The blocking and protests rattled the government to the extent of issuing promises (still hardly implemented at all) of backtracking on the strangulation of social services to make the Maasai relocate, and the reversal (implemented) of very recent and apparently deranged delisting of the villages of NCA and disenfranchisement of all voters. Fears are that the momentum from the protests has been lost when the government has yet again been allowed to set up “commissions”, which is habitual behaviour that’s never lead anywhere at all, if not to a worsening of the situation. In Loliondo (Loliondo Division and part of Sale Division that form the old Loliondo GCA) where in 2022, 1,502 km2 of grazing land was brutally and illegally turned into a game reserve, there hasn’t been any such good news. However, before and after a meeting with the president on 1st December, reports were that this illegal “Pololeti Game Reserve” would be included in the evaluation by the commissions, but the latest government statement with details has totally left out Loliondo.


Now, on New Years Eve, there are reports of police harassment against residents from Loliondo and Sale Divisions that have spoken up about the exclusion of "Pololeti Game Reserve" from the commissions. Apparently there are letters summoning NGO people, some councillors, and individuals like former CCM district chairman Ndirango Laizer to the Ngorongoro Security Committee on 4th January. 

 

In this blog post:

Loliondo

Loliondo and the president’s commissions

Remember what a GCA is and how such areas are threatened with game reserves

Ngorongoro Conservation Area

NCA and the president’s commission

Msomera and elections

 


Loliondo

OBC, that organize hunting for Sheikh Mohammed of Dubai, has since 1992/1993 had the Loliondo hunting block (right to hunt) that’s the 4,000 km2 Loliondo Game Controlled Area (GCA). This GCA covers the whole of Loliondo Division of Ngorongoro District and part of Sale Division of the same district, including two towns with the head quarters of Ngorongoro District, agricultural areas, forest reserves and an ugly American land grab, which is why OBC have wanted it reduced to their 1,500 km2 core hunting area that’s important Maasai grazing land and legally registered village land, turning this land into a protected area. The Maasai have through years with a local police state that’s harassed anyone criticising OBC and the American operator Thomson Safaris (that claim a smaller private nature refuge outside the 1,500 km2), and illegal mass arson operations in 2009 and 2017, managed to keep the land until the advent of Tanzania’s most brutal and anti-pastoralist president ever – Samia Suluhu Hassan.

 

In the illegal demarcation operation by security forces that commenced on 10th June 2022, more than 150 people were arrested and over 40 seriously injured, over 2,000 fled across the border to Kenya. People were tortured and raped. The security forces stole motorbikes and phones and destroyed houses and other buildings. Orias Oleng’iyo, 84-year old, was injured by gunshot, taken by security personnel and has not been seen ever since. The habeas corpus case filed by his son was dismissed. One government official after the other landed in Loliondo to celebrate the military operation against the Maasai and issue threats. All councillors from affected wards, except one who fled, were abducted on the eve of the attack and held for over 5 months, charged with murder for a killing of a police officer that took place a day after they were abducted. Random people initially accused of having shared pictures of the violence were added to the murder charges that the government didn’t show any interest in investigating and then just dropped after many postponements. All cases against 132 people accused of being "Kenyans" were also eventually dropped. The last 62 people who still had such cases pending after the mass arrests in June and July were not discharged for want of prosecution until November. The government has boasted of tens of thousands of cattle seizures with extortionate “fines” (ransom payments) of 100,000 TShs per head of cattle. The loss of land, cattle, and the payment of “fines” has radically deepened poverty. On 28th August 2022, the illegal game reserve was placed under the management of Ngorongoro Conservation Area Authority (NCAA), as opposed to the Tanzania Wildlife Authority (TAWA). Friends of OBC suggest that the hunters prefer TAWA. Though even rangers from Serengeti National Park have several times illegally seized cattle in Loliondo to take them into the park and get authorization from courts west of the park to auction them off.

 

On 17th June 2022 Minister Pindi Chana – who currently is back as Minister for Natural Resources and Tourism (the president frequently moves her sycophants around between the ministries) - declared the illegally demarcated land a new kind of GCA (introduced in 2009-2010 to create confusion in which to steal land) that’s the same as a game reserve, “Pololeti Game Controlled Area”. With an ongoing court case against the minister’s new GCA, the president on 14th October 2022, declared the same land a game reserve. The minister’s order was by the court declared null and void for lack of the mandatory consultation and for having been replaced by the president’s government notice. Temporary orders to stop the operation of the game reserve until that case was determined were shamelessly violated by the government and the contempt of court case was dismissed.

 

Not only hunters from Dubai, but also the German development bank and Frankfurt Zoological Society exert horribly negative influence in Loliondo (and elsewhere) – to the extent of funding and facilitating the draft Ngorongoro District Land Use Framework Plan 2023-2043 that was meant to – after the crime was committed – legalize the brutal land theft. Fortunately, this draft has twice been rejected by Ngorongoro District Council (not that the government cares). In late November, quite good articles (one in German and one in English) by a German reporter, Benjamin Hindrichs, were published detailing how German funds are used to dispossess the Maasai. Many aspect are left out, but the article is remarkably correct compared to almost all written about Loliondo. Though somewhat unclear if the author has understood what Loliondo GCA is. I should celebrate, but am overcome by bitterness that not the tiniest link to my blog was included (the author very well knows how justified this bitterness is).

 

The ruling, on 24th October 2024, in the case concerning the president’s government notice declaring the equally illegal “Pololeti Game Reserve” was quite scandalous, based on big and obvious lies about what a game controlled area is and on forged, illogically backdated, documents. This kangaroo court ruling is being appealed. For more details, in November I wrote about the ruling.

 

At least, in the East African Court of Justice (EACJ), continues Reference No.37 of 2022 Megweri Mako & 5 Others vs. Attorney General of Tanzania concerning the brutal 2022 theft of the 1,502 km2 in Loliondo for a protected area. This court is operating again after having been paralysed for months due to lack of funds. Though as far as I know, there’s not any hearing scheduled for this extremely important case.

 

In the EACJ, there is also the case concerning the brutal mass arson operation of 2017 (as opposed to the 2022 land theft for a game reserve). On 29th November 2023, the Appellate Division of the EACJ allowed Appeal No.13 of 2022 and remitted Reference No.10 of 2017 back to the trial court. In the first ruling there was judicial hooliganism, with the judges (one of them was the son of a Kenyan grabber of Maasai land) behaving strangely with last minute postponements during the brutal military demarcation attack on Loliondo in 2022 that flagrantly violated temporary court orders, and the writing of the ruling indicated that they could not have understood anything of what the witnesses were saying. The ruling was exactly what the Tanzanian government wanted in 2018 when they for some time had left the horrible lie claiming that Loliondo GCA was a protected area, and instead were saying that that the 2017 operation took place in Serengeti National Park and not on village land, which their own documents show is not true, but the court found that the Maasai had not been able to prove. The judges have also dismissed the contempt of court case without even giving the applicants’ lawyers a chance to argue the application in court. The appeal of the contempt ruling is ongoing and had a scheduling conference in November.

 

2024 has been less catastrophic than 2022 and 2023, because of exceptionally wet conditions. Proper reports from the ground have been hard to get, but while there have been terrible cases of the extortionate “fines” for seized livestock, it seems like those have often been negotiable, and leading up to local elections in November it was reported that rangers stayed passive. The latest I heard from Ololosokwan was that there isn’t much ranger patrolling, since patrol roads are destroyed by the rain. Cattle are seen resting during the day which means that they grazed during the night. This denotes fear of rangers and increased risk from the somewhat less destructive four-legged predators.

 

Loliondo and the president’s commissions

While the blocking of tourism traffic, followed by mass protests gatherings that rattled the government to the extent of issuing promises of backtracking, took place in NCA and not Loliondo, on 18th September, in Longido District (not to be confused with Loliondo Division of Ngorongoro district) that’s been threatened with two game reserves, accompanying TAMISEMI (PO-RALG) Minister/president’s son in law, Mohamed Mchengerwa, hardcore criminal and Arusha RC Paul Makonda spoke big words to lessen fears about land alienation, and mentioned that not only the Maasai of Ngorongoro will meet the president, but also those worried about the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism’s extremely dangerous recommendation (leaked in February 2024) of creating game reserves in game controlled areas, assuring everyone that this was indeed only a recommendation and nothing had been implemented. Further, he said that he would even take those from Loliondo, affected by the so-called “Pololeti GR” with him to see the president. And in Loliondo the threat has indeed been implemented in the most brutal and lawless way since 2022. Makonda called on everyone to be calm and have patience and everything would be peacefully solved. However, on 17th November, meeting the press, on the occasion of six months as RC, in Arusha and with known imposters in the audience, Makonda, while talking about Ngorongoro briefly mentioned that Loliondo has been a “GCA since German colonial times”. It seems like he had learnt the government’s horrible GCA lie that can be applied to any of the huge areas of village land that also are GCAs.

 

On 1st December, the meeting with the president took place in Arusha, not Ngorongoro. It was a closed meeting, with many representatives (reportedly all close to the MP, but certainly not outright traitors or imposters) from Ngorongoro and indeed also Loliondo, but adding some horrible people with a history as imposters, like Lekisongo from Monduli who repeatedly has been used by the government to falsely represent the Ngorongoro Maasai. The only video clip that has been shared is one of the president announcing two commissions, one for land issues and one for the relocation to Msomera. Then she started attacking pastoralists as is her habit. Not just in that clip … The president does not name Loliondo, but those “mapori” that had been mentioned by the Maasai, giving the impression that she couldn’t recall the names. In Swahili, “pori tengefu” is GCA and “pori la akiba” is game reserve. Though people have told me that Loliondo was very much mentioned. Everyone had understood either that the commission evaluating land was to be about Loliondo, or both Loliondo and NCA, and the other one about NCA/Msomera scam.



No other video clip has been shared. There’s nothing from what the Maasai were saying. Eventually, thanks to an international organization, CELEP, that published it, not any of my friends, I got hold of what the “community” presented to the president, but in an English version. There are several pages about NCA and the Msomera scam while Loliondo is only briefly mentioned, but in a very correct and serious way, including the game reserve threat against to the Lake Natron area (part of it in Ngorongoro District) and other areas all over the country. It’s so brief that I can copy and paste it here, without correcting grammar and spelling, which I’m anyway not an expert at myself:

“Since establishment of Pololeti Game Reserve in 2022, much has happened those affected lives and livelihood of the resident of Loliondo. Before establishment of Pololeti Game Reserve, paramilitary groups were deployed to forcefully evict people lawfully residing in the impacted area. Government has sized and confiscated tenth of thousands of livestock afterward that has ruined family economy and impacted livelihoods. Official used this process to weaponized citizenship of resident of Loliondo to justify exclusion.

 

Recommendation

Loliondo Residents Request your excellency to

1. Revisit the government decision to annex 14 affecting 1502 square kilometers village land

and establish Pololeti game without consulting the affected villagers and create Pololeti

Game Reserve and Return back the grabbed land.

2. While considering annulling your decision to establish Pololeti Game Reserve, we make

an urgent request that you make directives to allow immediate grassing access for

livestock. This will help to restore the affected Loliondo Residents livelihoods.

3. Stop the pastoralists eviction and militarizing conservation across northern Tanzania.

4. Form a participatory presidential Commission to investigate the eviction process and come

up with legal recommendations on the land impacted by Pololeti Game Reserve and other areas threatened by establishment of Game Reserve.

5. Direct for stoppage of police harassment in the name of illegal immigrants in Loliondo

6. Immediately stop a proposed plan to upgrade the Lake Natron villages land to a game

reserve and other's pastoralist areas in the entire country.”


Alarmingly, when on 23rd December, the members of the two commissions were announced (more about that below), not only were those all government people, except from two representatives from NCA in each committee, but both commissions are expressly described as concerning Ngorongoro Conservation Area, not Ngorongoro District, and Loliondo is certainly not even mentioned.


On 27th December, but not released by Watetezi tv until the 30th, as a reaction to the commissions formed exclusively for Ngorongoro Division, women from Loliondo and Sale Divisions issued a statement urging the president to form a participatory commission – not dominated by people from the government system – to deal with the land Loliondo land conflict. An interview with former CCM district chairman Ndirango Laizer and the deputy chairman of the traditional leaders of Ngorongoro, Kiaro Kubany, was published on the 27th. 

Others say that a section of leaders such as councillors still believe that they can engage the government to reclaim their space in the formed commissions. “While some of us believe that the last resort is mass action”. 


As mentioned, latest reports, now, on New Years Eve, are of police harassment against residents from Loliondo and Sale Divisions that have spoken up about the exclusion of "Pololeti Game Reserve" from the commissions. Apparently there are letters summoning NGO people, some councillors, and individuals like former CCM district chairman Ndirango Laizer to the Ngorongoro Security Committee on 4th January.


Remember what a GCA is and how such area are threatened with game reserves

It must always be remembered that the 1,502 km2 stolen to create “Pololeti Game Reserve” have been owned and used as Maasai grazing land for centuries, before and during colonial times, under customary ownership, which was recognized by the Land Act No.3 of 1923. The Maasai evicted from Serengeti in 1959 moved to both NCA and Loliondo. In the 1970s the villages in Loliondo and Sale were registered under the Village and Ujamaa Villages Act, then in 1982 under the Local Government (District Authorities) Act – could enter legally binding contracts on their own behalf - and got further protection as village land belonging to the village assembly (all adult villagers) managed by the village council under Village Land Act No.5 of 1999. The enormously malicious government lie is that the remaining 2,498 km2 – that contain two towns, district headquarters, the DC’s office, a prison built in the 1920s, the magistrate court, hospitals and schools, agricultural land, forest reserves and a nasty “nature refuge” grabbed by Thomson Safaris – has been generously gifted to the community and that a “protected area” has been “reduced”. Huge areas all over Tanzania are GCAs and the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism has announced its recommendation to repeat the crime committed in Loliondo – alienating huge wildlife-rich livestock grazing areas wanted for tourism hunting and destroying pastoralist lives and livelihoods - and without doubt use the same lie to justify it. In Minister Chana’s 2022-2023 budget speech it was announced that the government expected to upgrade twelve GCAs and two forests to game reserves, and Loliondo was among them. It seemed like a hugely ambitious evil wish and that there would be time to stop it – but only a few days later the brutal attack by security forces on Loliondo was launched. The threat is also in the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism’s Strategic Plan 2021/2022 – 2025/2026 that says, “The Ministry shall ensure Fifteen (15) Game Controlled Areas are upgraded to Game Reserves by June, 2026;”



And as reported in several blog posts, in February 2024 a presentation to then Minister Angellah Kairuki by the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism’s, leaked in February this year 2024, an evaluation of game controlled areas in the northern zone, in which the recommendation was to create no less than four new game reserves in this zone, which would signify an extreme alienation of grazing land making pastoralist lives and livelihoods inviable. The areas recommended for alienation and evictions of people and livestock are a proposed 747 km2 “Lolkisale-Simanjiro Game Reserve”, a 1,501 km2 “Mto Wa Mbu Game Reserve”, a 448 km2 “Longido Game Reserve”, and a 3,918 km2 “Lake Natron Game Reserve” (part of it in Ngorongoro District). Further, there’s a recommendation to “allow” Wildlife Management Areas (land alienation while nominally still village land) in “wildlife corridors” outside the proposed game reserves!

 


Ngorongoro Conservation Area

Ngorongoro Conservation Area (NCA) is not about “Pololeti GR” (other than that the Ngorongoro Conservation Area Authority is managing this atrocity) and should not be mixed up with Loliondo/Sale. The Loliondo/Sale Maasai are not targeted by the Msomera scam. Hunting is not allowed in NCA.

 

In NCA, decades long restrictions, much instigated by UNESCO (details about this in several blog posts) radically worsened after Samia Suluhu Hassan came into office in 2021, are used by the government to make the Maasai relocate. All permits for construction or renovation of schools or health facilities in the 25 villages of NCA, even those already with government funds in their accounts, or third-party donations, have since 2021 been denied by the Ngorongoro Conservation Area Authority, some of the funds transferred to Handeni, and since 2022 there’s a drive to manipulate the in every way suffocated Maasai to relocate to other people’s land, that in no way can accommodate pastoralism, almost 600 kilometres away. Further, the Msomera villagers – whose legally registered village that already had its own land use plan has been turned into a propaganda showcase for the government’s anti-Maasai drive - were “informed” at gunpoint and accused of having invaded a “protected area” (the big GCA lie again). The entrance of construction material into NCA has been blocked, herders regularly assaulted by rangers, residents harassed at Lodoare gate, ID is demanded, usually voter’s registration, and in August/September last year 2023 there were mass arrests, or abductions, including torture, and a police state similar to that of Loliondo has developed, even if there isn’t the kind of silence that too often falls over Loliondo like a stinking, damp cloth.

 

As reported in several blog posts, on 29th July, a 1,115-page pdf document from the so-called Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC, formerly NEC) was being shared on WhatsApp. This document listed all stations for updating the Permanent Voters Register for the local elections on 27th November and the general elections in 2025. During the elections, the same premises serve as polling stations. Not a single station in the 25 villages of Ngorongoro Division/Ngorongoro Conservation Area of Ngorongoro District was found on the list. Already registered voters dialled *152*00# and found that they were registered at different stations in Msomera. So were already deceased people, including the late former MP. To date there isn’t any explanation from authorities. Upon questions from media, INEC referred to TAMISEMI that in its turn referred to INEC. It’s of course INEC that handles these lists, but it was then – on 19th August, the second day of the protests, found that INEC was acting on an illegal Government Notice (GN) by the head of TAMISEMI, the president’s son in law, Mohamed Mchengerwa, that had delisted every single village in Ngorongoro division.


Late MP William Olenasha's voter's card showing that he was registered to vote at the Osinoni School polling station in Kakesio, Ngorongoro. He passed away on 27th September 2021, before anything about the Msomera plan was even leaked. Then the message showing that he was transferred to the Lolouwarak polling station in Msomera four years after his death.



After mass protests blocking tourist vehicles on 18th August 2024 and mass protest gatherings until the seriously rattled government on 23rd August – via Ministers Lukuvi and Kabudi and RC Makonda - returned with big backtracking promises of restoration of social services, an end to harassment, and relisting of the 25 villages of Ngorongoro division that had very recently and shockingly been delisted by Minister Mchengerwa. The fast-approaching local elections were to proceed without any disturbance.


 

Implementation of social services promises: Reportedly, there has not been more implementation than a water pump installed Esere Primary School – initially meant for Ngorongoro Girls Secondary School. Not enough solar panels were brought (from Ngorongoro District Council, not bought new), so the teachers had to remove a 120-watt panel from one of the classrooms to use for the water pump, but then it still had to be moved to the Esere Primary. Then in September, Ndian Primary School received 150 bags of cement for repair of its seriously cracked walls. A year ago, non-stop protest at Ndian Primary School 1st - 8th August 2023, to demand a repair permit (all such permits had been denied since 2021) resulted in mass arrests, abductions and torture. The Ndian headteacher has been asking the community to contribute some money for renovation despite of that the MP had declared that 78 million had been allocated for renovation and addition of more classes in the school. On 13th November, DC Kanali Wilson Sakulo announced that repair of the road between Endulen and Embarway Secondary School had commenced. Still, such repair is barely noticeable. That’s it. More repair were announced for the school holidays, but as far as I know, nothing of this has been seen. There isn’t any improvement to the deadly and purposeful neglect and defunding of health services, and the life-saving Flying Medical Services continue grounded.

 

Reportedly, harassment of Ngorongoro residents at Lodoare gate has mostly stopped, but as reported in earlier posts, there have been incidents of blocking of livestock from watering at and on 4th September the rangers refused to let Maasai pass Endamaghai gate in Olpiro with their cattle.

 

Then Rorian Lendumu was detained for grazing in the Northern Highland Forest, taken to Karatu Police Station where he was first denied police bail. On 2nd October he was taken to court, first denied court bail and then granted on the 3rd. The charge sheet mentioned Ngorongoro Conservation Area in “Karatu” district, and that the 71-year old Rorian would have illegally with livestock entered the conservation area where he has lived his entire life. The case against was dismissed, since the Karatu court has no jurisdiction presiding cases from Ngorongoro.

 

On 3rd October, Isaya Moses and Ndaayi Tuke from Endulen were arrested and locked up at Ngorongoro Police Station. They were charged with building and repairing houses and bomas without permits and bringing building materials without permits. They were bailed out on 7th October. After postponements, the case was mentioned again on 29th October but with only one offence, "destruction of properties", referring to “environmental” destruction, where if one is found guilty the punishment is seven years in prison. The case is again postponed.

 

I was told that ten people from Kakesio Ward were arrested and taken to the Endulen NCAA zonal office accused of building new houses. They were not taken to the police or to court and later returned to Kakesio. 

 

On the other hand, the delisted villages were indeed relisted, but using methods that set dangerous precedent, as did the deranged delisting itself.  On 16th September Minister/son in law Mchengerwa announced the boundaries of villages and sub-villages that were to participate in the local government elections scheduled for 27th November. This was detailed in GN No. 796 of 2024, which reinstated the villages in Ngorongoro that had been delisted in GN No. 673 of 2nd August 2024 (publicly online on 19th August). According to Mchengerwa, this was done, “to ensure proper administrative representation and access to social and economic services that meet the needs of residents,”. He did not explain why he illegally delisted the villages in the first place. Accompanied by Arusha RC Makonda, Mchengerwa urged residents to register to the voters’ list and to prepare to contest for political office. However, this was followed by disqualification attempts against opposition candidates and reports of ballot stuffing.


On 13th November 2024, six applicants from Ngorongoro Division filed the amazingly detailed Miscellaneous Civil Cause No. 000028736 of 2024, William Oleseki and 5 others versus INEC and the Attorney General, about illegal transfer of voters’ information and polling stations to Msomera. It was firstly mentioned on 15th November and then again on 22nd November, before Judge Mwenda. On 4th December, the respondents filed a quite preposterous counter affidavit. The case – that should have its own blog post - will be mentioned on 18th February 2025. 

 

NCA and the president’s commissions

As mentioned above, the NCA community recommendations brought to the president on 1st December are long and detailed, but the general request are:

“1. We request for your public statement to stop all forms of harassment against the

residents of the Ngorongoro. We seek to live in peace and tranquillity within our

area without being mistreated by conservation authorities and other state

operatives.

2. We request permits for the construction of all community services, such as schools,

health centers, road infrastructure, and water projects, to be granted to improve our

living conditions.

3. We request the formation of an independent commission with various stakeholders

to develop a proper land use plan.

4. We request greater community participation in all matters affecting the community.

5. We request the suspension of the relocation exercise, as it is fraught with deceit,

propaganda against Maasai community, and significant bureaucratic hurdles.

6. We request the reinstatement of the Pastoralists Council to continue being a key

mediator and link between the community and the Ngorongoro Conservation

Authority. In line with this, we request the appointment of at least five community

representatives on the Authority's Board.

7. We request the removal of any obstacles preventing indigenous people from

returning home with their vehicles. Entry should be freely without paying to return

to their homes.”

 

In the section about Loliondo I mentioned the 1st December meeting with select (by the MP) “community members” and imposters from elsewhere. In the brief clip, the president talks about how “scientific” the commissions will be, which is a warning flag when the problem is political. Unsurprisingly, all commission members – revealed on 23rd December - are government people: retired ministers, principal secretaries, ambassadors, and judges, presidential advisors and a two university professors. Included is even someone known for having had the anti-Maasai function as former Minister for Natural Resources and Tourism, Zakia Meghji. There are only four Ngorongoro representatives, two in each commission, and all of them are CCM ruling party figures. In the land commission are the councillor and Pastoral Council secretary James Moringe and the special seats councillor Moi Arpakwa Sikorei. In the “voluntary” relocation commission are the councillor and Pastoral Council chairman Edward Maura and the Esere Primary School teacher Rehema Moisare. While sometimes making strong statements, Moringe and Maura are known for seeking compromise with the government. There are Ngorongoro residents with scientific expertise, but those were not considered. Anyone orientated towards opposition politics is of course unthinkable.

 





It's unclear what the commission concerning land will deal with. Unlike in Loliondo, there isn’t any recent land alienation. The Maasai were evicted from residing in Ngorongoro Crater in 1974/1975 (when I write like this it’s because there was a change in the law in 1974 and evictions at gunpoint in 1975). In December 2016, effective 2017, PM Kassim Majaliwa issued orders stopping access to water and saltlicks in the crater, and the craters Olmoti and Empakaai – by order and not by any change to the NCA Act - which has led the loss of 90% of grazing and water for Nainokanoka, Ngorongoro, Misigiyo wards, and a 100% loss of natural saltlicks for livestock in these wards. These restrictions could be prevented if rangers stop harassing herders. The worst fear is that the government’s plan is to move forward with land alienation like in the genocidal Multiple Land Use Model review proposal that was presented in September 2019, which included the Loliondo land theft in the form (two areas) that was brutally an illegally demarcated in 2022.

 

The commission concerning the “voluntary” relocation does of course not include any representative from Msomera where villagers were informed at gunpoint that they didn’t have any right to their own land.

 

Msomera and elections

I’ve  not been able to get any updates from the cases in the High Court in Tanga. As mentioned in several blog posts, eight Msomera villagers with land titles sued one Ngorongoro migrant respectively that have invaded their farms. Among those sued are former MP Kaika Saning'o Telele and the supposed bishop Kivuyo. Besides the Ngorongoro migrant, each one of the eight Msomera villagers has also sued the Msomera Village Council, the Handeni District Council, and the Attorney General. The notorious Handeni DC, Albert Msando, publicly threatened those who filed a case. A few days thereafter, they were summoned by police and interrogated as to why they are planning to create a deadlock in the Msomera relocation exercise.

 

On 29th November, women from Msomera marched to the Tanga RC's office to protest being dispossessed for the benefit of Ngorongoro migrants. On Boxing Day, these women held another protest, against the DC intervening in the local elections, removing the Msomera CCM candidate and replacing him with the Ngorongoro migrant Johanes Kisau Tiamasi, who is still the councillor for Kakesio ward, attending meetings at Ngorongoro District Council, but has relocated to Msomera. Kakesio does not have a councillor representing the ward. The genuine Msomera villagers had a CHADEMA opposition chairperson candidate, Martin Joseph Singoya, who was arrested and locked up for a night for objecting to CCM’s choice of candidate. Now Tiamisi is both councillor in Ngorongoro and village chairperson in Msomera.

 


The day of local elections, nationally there were reports of ballot stuffing, murder of three opposition politicians, beating and illegal detention of opposition candidates. In Ngorongoro the MP was chased away from Ormekeke polling station in Nasipooriong' village, Endulen ward. He's not registered to vote at this station, wanted to force his way in, but was stopped by voters. There were reports of ballot stuffing. CCM won by 99 %  in all street, village and sub-village elections across the country, which speaks for itself. I can’t happen anywhere where election fraud is moderate.


 

2025 is election year, general elections in Tanzania, and arrests, enforced disappearances, and even murder of opposition politicians is rampant. How can a repeat of the election fraud and violence of 2020, in which  Salula Ngorisiolo lost his life when police and NCA rangers opened fire at unarmed voters protesting open and shameless election theft at Oloirobi polling station, be avoided?

 

The Chanzo recently publishedan article by Joseph Oleshangay asking many questions about the implications of the attempted disenfranchisement of all voters from Ngorongoro Division.

Now at the end of the year, the New African magazine recognized Joseph as one of the top 100 Most Influential Africans.

 

Talking about Joseph, who has certainly made some Europe trips and visited the European parliament, among the best news from 2024 was the announcement on 7th June, that Tanzania had been removed from EU's NatureAfrica scheme for which the European Commission had allocated 18 million euros. There were also new conditions that indigenous and local people's rights must be respected. This is so much more powerful than statements of concern or condemnation and almost unprecedented. Though, sadly, Germany continues as frantically as ever funding and facilitating the crimes of the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism.

 

Let 2025 be the year that the beacons marking the fake and illegal “Pololeti Game Reserve” in Loliondo and Sale are uprooted and the year that sees the end of all torture of the Maasai of Ngorongoro Division to make them “relocate”. Make it the end of the presidency of the evil Samia Suluhu Hassan and her war against the Maasai.

 

Susanna Nordlund is a working-class person based in Sweden who since 2010 has been blogging about Loliondo (increasingly also about NCA) and has her fingerprints thoroughly registered with Immigration so that she will not be able to enter Tanzania through any border crossing, ever again. She has never worked for any NGO or intelligence service, not even CIA, and hasn’t earned a shilling from her Loliondo work. She can be reached at sannasus@hotmail.com

 

@SusannaN2 on X

@susanna-nordlund.bsky.social on Bluesky

 

Please contact me with any questions about Loliondo. Never guess and never copy hurriedly written newspaper articles, or even reports by serious organizations, without double checking. Also, please contact me with any information you may have. Don’t assume that I’m getting it automatically. I must chase people 24-7 for information. While anyone with good intentions is allowed to use anything written in my blog, and I’ve long ago understood that many fear being associated with me, I appreciate being given credit or at least having my blog linked to.

 

 

 

 

2 comments:

Marcel Hooft van Huysduynen said...

Great post, very interesting, well researched, i just discovered your blog, and i am very impressed, thank you!

Susanna said...

Thank you Marcel!