On 19th
September the High Court in Arusha declared that the 1,502 km2
brutal land theft called “Pololeti Game Controlled Area” in Loliondo was null
and void for lack of consultation and for having been replaced by a “Pololeti
Game Reserve” declared by the president. Besides that the same lack of
consultation (including the abduction of all councillors of affected wards on
the eve of the brutal and unlawful military demarcation attack) applies to the
game reserve, it has its own court case with a court order to stop all
operation until determination of the case. The relative independence shown by
the court was a pleasant surprise, but it should not have come as a surprise
that the Tanzanian government is lawless, issued a statement with its own
“interpretation” of the ruling, increased harassment and threats, and after a
brief reprieve, returned to seizing cattle and the situation is dire. Now
those most directly involved, with concrete evidence of contempt of court, have
been sued in their personal capacity, including DC Raymond Mwangwala.
The Tanzanian
government, funded and facilitated by Germany (the Germans should not be
allowed to get away with this …) continues its efforts to legitimize the
massive, brutal and unlawful land theft.
The 77th
Ordinary Session of the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights is
currently being held in Arusha and the journalist and activist Odero Charles
Odero has there been harassed about his citizenship for speaking up about
Loliondo and Ngorongoro. Then the ACHPR has been questioned for its government commandeered visit early this year and for not finishing its report.
In Ngorongoro
Conservation Area - not to be mixed up with Loliondo - restrictions and
illegal suffocation of every aspect of life continue at the same time as
incessant government propaganda to make the Maasai relocate. The people that
following protests in Endulen were mass arrested are now harassed by having to
report at Karatu Police Station every four days. The NCAA has again denied
adulterated replacement salt, for which there were laboratory result already almost
two years ago. At least it seems like the horrible chief conservator Freddy
Manongi is finally retiring.
Almost every
issue mentioned in this blog post needs to be written about in its own long
blog post …
Where is
Oriais Oleng’iyo?
The criminals just keep escalating their crime. When I had finally posted this blog post I got reports that TANAPA rangers had seized hundreds of cattle in the 1,500km2 area and driven them to Serengeti by force!
Updates at the end of the blog post.
In this blog post:
The ruling -
Miscellaneous Civil Cause No. 21 of 2022
The
government’s malicious interpretation of the ruling
Grazing and
violence after the High Court ruling
At last sued
for contempt of court!
Odero harassed about citizenship at ACPHR session – with good events and traitors
Continued pressure
for German-funded crime legitimization
The Germans
MUST be sued for their relentless facilitation of violent dispossession
We also have
the cases in the East African Court of Justice
Brief Loliondo hunting block background
Briefly about
the 2022 threats leading up to the brutal and illegal demarcation
Briefly about
the brutal and illegal demarcation of an illegal "game reserve"
NCA, bye bye
Manongi, and the government again denies well-documented adulterated salt, UNESCO
again
Apologies
and reflexions on very long and horribly delayed blog posts
The
ruling - Miscellaneous Civil Cause No. 21 of 2022
On 19th September
2023, in the High Court in Arusha, Judge Joachim Tiganga read the ruling in Miscellaneous Civil Cause No. 21 of 2022, the judicial
review challenging former Minister of Natural Resources and Tourism Pindi
Chana's Government Notice (GN) No.421, of 17th June 2022. This GN
was signed a week after the start of the brutal and lawless military attack on
Loliondo that on legally registered village land demarcated a protected area and
evicted the Maasai from 1,502 km2 of important grazing land. Chana,
in GN No.421 declared this land as a “Pololeti Game Controlled Area”. Then the
GN No.421 was publicly announced by the minister in a government propaganda
Zoom seminar on 22nd June 2022, the day before she participated in a
military celebration of the violent and illegal demarcation. This ruling very
clearly establishes that the “Pololeti Game Controlled Area” is null and void. The
written version (available on 30th September) reduced my positive
impression, since there isn’t any trace of empathy for people who’ve suffered
enormous dispossession, violence, and upheaval of lives and livelihoods.
The main point was that the
court determined that there was no consultation when establishing the “Pololeti
GCA”, when the law requires consultation with relevant authorities, which in
this case are the 14 affected village governments and village assemblies, the
eight wards, and the district council. This can’t have been hard to determine
for any judge who’d like to maintain a minimum of credibility. On 9th
June 2022, on the eve of the launch of the illegal military attack on Loliondo,
all councillors of affected wards, except one who fled, were abducted, charged
with murder for a killing that took place the day after their abduction and
locked up in remand prison, without a single court hearing, only postponements,
until the case was dismissed by the Director of Public Prosecution on 22nd
November 2022. The latest message for PM Majaliwa before the attack was on 25th
May 2022 via “community recommendations” that the PM had requested and that
clearly called for a stop to any plans of alienating the 1,500 km2,
investigations into human rights violations, and the removal of OBC. Many
Tanzanian government officials and diplomats told the demented lie
about “amicable agreement”.
The court also established
that the disputed 1,502 km2 area is wholly falling within village
land, and that this is unchallenged by the government. This is not difficult to
establish. Besides the obvious customary tenure for centuries, the villages
have certificates of registry to show. The land was owned and used by the
Maasai before and during colonial times under customary ownership, which was
recognized by the Land Ordinance of 1923. In the 1970s the villages in Loliondo and
Sale were registered under the Village and Ujamaa Villages Act, in 1982 under
the Local Government (District Authorities) Act, and then got further
protection as village land belonging to the village assembly (all adult
villagers) managed by the village council under Village Land Act No.5 of 1999. However,
the Tanzanian government has been lying rather wildly about this issue, in
their efforts to accommodate OBC’s (and others more discreetly) lobbying for
turning their core hunting area into a protected area.
Some, just
some, of the government’s varying lies:
LIE: In
2013, Minister Kagasheki made a vociferous attempt at lying that the Maasai
were landless, that the 4,000 km2 Loliondo Game Controlled Area,
which includes two towns, the district council headquarters and the DC’s
office, would be a protected area, and that evicting them from the 1,500 km2
lobbied for by OBC, and squeezing them into the 2,500km2 with towns,
district headquarters, agricultural areas, forest reserves and an American land
grab, in reality would signify generously gifting them with this 2,500 km2.
This lie was stopped by PM Pinda, who recognized that the land was village land,
and told the Maasai to go on with their lives as before Kagasheki’s threat.
(Unlike what everyone is writing these days, there was NOT any evictions
operation in 2013. Only a nasty attempt.)
LIE: During
the illegal mass arson operation of 2017 Minister Maghembe was pretending that
at some undisclosed point the 1,500 km2 would have been turned into
a protected area and that this area would have been invaded. At the same time
the Ngorongoro DC and a statement from the Ministry of Natural Resources and
Tourism were not denying the village land but said that the aim of the
operation was to remove the Maasai from a border area, since they otherwise
could enter Serengeti National Park “too easily”, and that it didn’t have
anything to do with the 1,500 km2, about which PM Majaliwa was to
make a decision.
LIE
(fortunately): In December 2017, PM Majaliwa announced his terrible decision,
not denying that the 1,500 km2 was village land, but saying that a
legal bill would be prepared to place the management of the area under a “special
authority”. Fortunately, there never was any legal bill.
LIE: The
government’s first response to the 2017 case in the East African Court of
Justice was the Attorney General lying that the 1,500 km2 would at
some unknown point have become some kind of protected area. Then the lie was
changed to pretending that the mass arson had taken place in Serengeti National
Park, when the government’s own documents show that the overwhelming majority
of bomas were burned illegally on village land.
LIE: In
2022, for the military operation with brutal land demarcation, the concerted
lie by all government officials and diplomats, was the most crazy terra nullius
lie, saying that Loliondo had never since time immemorial been inhabited and
that the British in 1951 declared it a protected area, which after independence
was “invaded” by the Maasai – some foreign diplomats, during the brutal
military attack against the Maasai, giggled stupidly when Minister Ndumbaro “reminded”
them of this – and later extended to a lie about the Germans and 1891.
LIE: Miscellaneous Civil
Cause No. 21 of 2022, and its applications, was on 4th November
2022, responded to by wildlife conservation officer Emmanuel Daniel Pius, saying
that the demarcation was carved out of the 4,000 km2 Loliondo GCA that
he claimed had been a “reserved area” since 1951, and that the villagers have
never used the 1,502 km2 or been harassed by the respondents, but
that the reason for the demarcation was “persistent encroachment” and increase
in human population pressure, grazing, agriculture and settlement. Then he said
that “Pololeti GCA” doesn’t involve the applicants’ villages, since those are
outside the demarcated area, without explaining where the villages are if the
whole 4,000km2 has been a protected area since 1951. He claims “consultation
and participation leading to consensus” regarding the 1,502 km2
reserved area and 2,498km2 (where the DC’s office – like colonial officers’
for decades before 1951, when the current Maasai sections were already long-established in the area - and the district council headquarters are found) “allocated
to villagers for settlement and other human activities”, while at the
same time saying that leaders (all councillors from affected wards, except
one who fled) were arrested for “perpetuating resistance” against the demarcation
process in Loliondo and instigating violence against government officials
involved in the process (a case dropped by the Director of Public Prosecution
after over five months of postponements). This individual has also replied to
the contempt of court Application No.2 of 2022, in which he uses totally
different lies - about Serengeti, like the later set of lies used in response
to the 2017 case in the East African Court of Justice - even when it is the
2022 demarcation – first as an open threat and then as a crime that was
committed - that is the contempt.
Back to the
ruling, the judge said that the old
4,000 km2 Loliondo Game Controlled Area (LGCA) did not cease to
exist with the enactment of Wildlife Conservation Act 2009, but that it
continues to co-exist with village land. GCAs declared under Fauna and Flora
Conservation Ordinance 1951, or Wildlife Conservation Act (WCA) 1974 can
and do totally overlap with village land and don’t restrict human activities,
while GCAs enacted under WCA 2009 restrict all human activities – like national
parks but allowing hunting, exactly like game reserves - and can’t overlap with
village land. As long as it’s not a protected area, which it isn’t, this does
not really matter. Huge areas all over Tanzania are old GCAs that don’t
interfere with local land uses, overlap with village land, and only demarcate
boundaries of hunting blocks. What’s peculiar with Loliondo is that a new GCA
that is the same as a game reserve, was declared on top of the old GCA, and
then changed to a game reserve, which is the same thing, and requires the same
consultation, but is declared by the president.
The “Pololeti Game Controlled
Area” is now, according to the court, dissolved for two reasons: mandatory
consultation was lacking, and the president's decision to on 14th
October 2022 (publicly announced on 1st November) declare a “Pololeti
Game Reserve” on the same land automatically repealed its status.
GN No.604 of 14th
October 2022, the president’s GN declaring a “Pololeti Game Reserve” -after
the case against the minister’s GN had been filed - is dealt with in its own
separate court case, the judicial review Miscellaneous
Civil Cause No. 178 of 2022. On 22nd August 2023, the court
ruled that this case can proceed, and prohibited operation of the GN until
determination of the case. This means that after the “Pololeti GCA” was
declared null and void, all operation of the “game reserve” is stopped by court
order, which apparently the NCAA - that’s since September 2022 is managing the
stolen village land - first decided not to respect, until the lawyers on 26th
September wrote to them that they will file a criminal complaint against anyone
seizing livestock contrary to the court order, and then again stopped
respecting after the attorney general’s office released its peculiar
interpretation (see below) of the ruling. Since the president’s GN just
replaced that by the minister, exactly the same lack of consultation applies to
that GN, and by logic it must also be declared null and void.
Then there is a more
questionable part of the ruling that was read on 19th September. The
Court found no evidence linking Minister Chana to the decision to deploy
security forces or use military force in the Loliondo operation and found that
the minister was not involved in demarcating village land. Therefore, any
illegalities in this process can’t be attributed to the minister. This sounds
strange when you have seen Chana next to PM Majaliwa in Loliondo on 23rd
June 2022, participating in a stomach-turning military celebration of the
extremely brutal and lawless attack on the Maasai. And when announcing the null
and void GN on 22nd June 2022, Chana made it clear that the
demarcation was being done in accordance with it (the GN does indeed detail the
beacons) and boasted about how all beacons had already been planted.
Pindi Chana table banging in agreement with the PM's threats and lies against the Maasai. |
Maybe I shouldn’t be surprised
that a judge will not throw away any kind of credibility by denying such an
obvious crime – even if just described as a failure to comply with the law to
conduct consultation, and not the massively and openly shown brutality and
lawlessness that took place while every government representative was engaging
in horribly obvious lies - but still I’m pleasantly surprised. However, those who
committed this crime must be hunted down using other means. Many people have
been involved in the brutal and lawless theft of grazing land and none of them
must be allowed to get away.
Nobody can now stop the Maasai
landowners from grazing their animals on their own land. Though it should
not be forgotten that the very violent land theft was committed in flagrant violation
of an injunction against it in the East African Court of Justice that was
issued on 25th September 2018. More than court rulings and court
orders are needed to obtain justice – and more is being done, while even more
should be done.
The
government’s malicious interpretation of the ruling
On 4th October 2023,
the government released its own, rather malicious, “interpretation” of the
ruling in the high court. In a statement, signed by Prisca J. Ulomi - one of those who have been sued for contempt of court - from the
office of the attorney general (one of the two respondents in Miscellaneous
Civil Cause No. 21 of 2022) the government recognises that the “Pololeti Game
Controlled Area” is no more, but without mentioning the lack of consultation
that’s one of the main points in the ruling. The statement also recognizes that
there’s a court order prohibiting operation of the “Pololeti Game Reserve”
until determination of the case concerning the president’s GN No.604 of 2022, Miscellaneous
Civil Cause No. 178 of 2022. The obvious bad intentions of the statement
consist of pretending that the status quo that should continue until determination
is a protected area where grazing without a permit from the director of
wildlife is not allowed. The argument for this wilful and malicious stupidity
is based on saying that the ruling mentions that the 4,000km2
Loliondo Game Controlled Area exists since 1951. As said before … this GCA does
not restrict human activities, totally overlaps with the customary land tenure
that was there since before colonialism and has always co-existed with village
land. If the government is to continue pretending that it’s a protected area, the
DC’s office, the district council headquarters, the towns of Wasso and
Loliondo, hospitals and agricultural areas must be chased away for trespassing.
Grazing
and violence after the high court ruling
The loss of livestock and
impoverishment has been steep in Loliondo after most of the grazing land, and
particularly dry season grazing land, was stolen by the government right before
the bad dry season of 2022, expecting the Maasai to just squeeze into remaining
areas where there’re two towns with district headquarters, agricultural areas,
forest reserves, and Thomson Safaris’ ugly land grab. Many have got into
terrible debt since first TAWA rangers and then those from NCAA (after the
illegal protected area was placed under their management), assisted by police
and Serengeti rangers, have been extorting from livestock owners a demented
100,000 TShs per head of cattle and 25,000 per sheep or goat for grazing on
their own land. Grazing has only been possible like thieves at night, when
large predators become a much more acute threat than at daytime.
After a NCAA ranger (remember that Pindi Chana in September 2022 announced that the illegal protected area had been placed under the management of NCAA) on 5th
May 2023 was lightly injured by arrowshot by an unknown hero archer, some said
that the rangers stopped patrolling at nighttime. By June it became much harder
to get somewhat full information about livestock seizures, or about anything
happening on the ground.
As
mentioned, on 22nd August, the high court ruled that Miscellaneous
Civil Cause No. 178 of 2022, the case dealing with the president’s GN No.604 of
2022, declaring a “game reserve” can proceed and prohibited operation of the GN
until determination of the case. When on 19th
September Miscellaneous Civil Cause No. 21 of 2022, the minister’s GN No.421 of
2022, declaring a “game controlled area” was ruled null and void, this meant
that the always illegal livestock seizures were also illegal to the high
court. Still the NCAA rangers kept on seizing livestock. On 23rd September,
352 sheep and goats were seized in the Ngimatuni area of Loosoito, Maaloni ward.
Then 160 goats and 120 cows from Mbuken, Arash were seized in the same area on
the 24th. On the 25th, 580 sheep and goats were seized in
the Engurashi area of Manang' sub-village of Madukani, Malambo ward. In the
Malambo case, the rangers were demanding “only” 24,000 TShs per sheep or goat,
instead of 25,000.
On 26th September,
lawyers on behalf of Ndoriany Koros, whose goats and cows were seized on the 24th,
wrote a letter to NCA chief conservator Manongi, Pius Rwiza, conservator of
“Pololeti Game Reserve”, Robert Laizer, who is in charge of the rangers in the
fake and illegal protected area at Arash, and the director of wildlife Maurus
Msuaha – telling them that they will file a criminal complaint against anyone
illegally seizing livestock contrary to the court order. The same day all
seized livestock were released without extortion.
I shouldn’t give any
importance to such people, but for a picture of how disinformation works in the
local Loliondo police state, a local non-pastoralist opportunistic “friend” of
the government and of “investors” wrote an “article” that he shared in WhatsApp
and on Facebook that 2,005 heads of livestock had been released after the
pastoralists at a meeting at the DC’s office had admitted to breaking the law
and asked for forgiveness, and the DC intervened talking to the conservators
for the sake of strengthening the relation between the protected area and the
community, and making sure that the pastoralists will respect the law and
protect the “game reserve” from unnecessary conflict. To illustrate the
“article” this individual, Paul Dudui, used a picture from a meeting about
trachoma from the previous day.
Initially I was told that
people were still afraid of grazing their animals on the stolen land at
daytime, and on the 29th, 400 sheep were seized in Malambo, but
directly released for a smaller bribe, without being taken to the camp where
they’re usually held. Then a serious reclaim of the stolen land started, with
reportedly widespread daytime grazing. People were regaining their
confidence and faith in the legal system, which had been very low indeed. Still,
on 1st October, 98 cows, belonging to Ntayia, were seized in
Ololosokwan and locked up at Klein’s gate. The rangers were demanding the usual
extortion money of 100,000 Tshs per head of cattle.
The DC summoned all
councillors and village chairpersons from 14 villages with land in the
illegally demarcated and alienated land to attend a meeting at his office on 4th
October. Remember that being summoned to a meeting with the DC was how the
councillors last year were abducted and locked up for almost six months. Only
two councillors attended this meeting, in which the DC was reportedly very
threatening, saying that livestock entering the 1,502km2 area would
be seized and auctioned. This was the same day as the attorney general’s office
released the statement with the maliciously stupid interpretation of the court
ruling.
On 5th October, rangers
were starting grass fires in the Klein’s area of Ololosokwan to disturb and
harass herders. NCAA and JWTZ, Tanzanian army, vehicles were circulating Arash
and Ololosokwan and the rangers and soldiers assaulted some young men, beating
them and confiscating their phones, swords and spears. Still, they weren’t
seizing any livestock.
First, on 6th October, there was good news that the livestock seized in Ololosokwan and locked up for several days, had been released without any extortion of money. However, in the evening it was reported that at least seven people had been assaulted by the rangers and soldiers, including Arash ward councillor Mathew Siloma. Lemao Sharab was cut in the face with a panga and Leteng’ena Lupa was badly beaten. Councillor Siloma reported in WhatsApp that he was followed to his boma and taken to the heads of the operation who were accompanied by surprisingly many soldiers. He recognized the “conservator” of “Pololeti” Pius Rwiza, the acting commander of the soldiers stationed in Loliondo, and the officer in charge of border issues. The councillor was told that all livestock must be removed from the 1,502 km2 area. Several youths were badly beaten and the councillor himself was forced to jump like a frog. Frog jump is common “punishment” used by Tanzanian security forces and even in schools.
On 7th October,
over 1,000 cows in five herds were seized in the Klein’s area of Ololosokwan.
In Arash, and Maaloni, the following livestock were seized:
Kisoombe Ng'atuny, 70 cows -
Arash
Nekaya Mutangung, 93 cows -
Arash
Miseyeki Sikoyo, 140 sheep, 120
goats - Arash
Lulungen Sikoyo, 92 sheep -
Arash
Barnoti Kukutia, 200 cows – Maaloni
On 8th October 585
more cows were seized in Ololosokwan, and then some 100 more on the 9th.
On 10th October
Ngorongoro youths - including several of the applicants - held a press conference denouncing the government’s contempt
of court, the whole land alienation, with focus on the recent violence and
seizures of livestock. They said that calves left in the bomas when the cows
were seized could now not suckle, that the livestock seized in Arash were not
fed or watered (in Ololosokwan they were), and that some smaller livestock had
been suffocated. The youths reminded of that applications would be filed
personally suing those involved in these crimes in contempt of court.
The councillors of Ololosokwan,
Arash, Malambo and Engaresero – under pressure by the cattle owners whose
animals were held in bad conditions, particularly in Arash - approached the
regional CCM secretary asking for help to release the livestock, and then the
CCM secretary wrote to Arusha RC Mongella pretending that the councillors were
agreeing with the land theft and grazing prohibition! In a meeting with
the RC, he told the councillors to write a letter committing to keeping
livestock off the stolen land, but they wrote a letter that while weak and
pleading did not include such a commitment.
On 11th October the
livestock seized since the 7th were released without extortion
“fines”.
On 18th October,
the rangers were again seizing livestock: some eight herds of cattle in the Oltigomi
area near Klein’s gate in Ololosokwan, and 650 sheep and goats and 48 cows in
the Lengijape area in Arash. Several sources from Ololosokwan reported about
that the manager, Melau Laltalia, of Taasa Lodge on the stolen land was very
much assisting the rangers. It’s not the first time that Taasa Lodge is a
problem.
On the 21st 1,300
sheep and an unknown number of calves were seized in Malambo and taken to the
Orn’goswa camp. More livestock seized in Iloope Ilokony, Arash on the 22nd
and in Leken in Kirtalo. In Ololosokwan the criminal rangers seized
332 more cows and there were filming drones everywhere.
Potot Lose 134 cows
Mzee Rotiken 112 cows
Leile boma 69 cows
Mzee Ngatuny 17 calves
Kambatai Kimeriai from Kirtalo
was on 21st October arrested with his motorbike when bringing food
for his children. He was taken to Ololosokwan police station. When leaders tried
to have him released, he was taken to Loliondo town by criminal rangers. This is
part of the intimidation drive. On 23rd October, Kambatai was
released on bail and with two others reportedly charged with “trespassing into
protected area”.
The livestock have still not been released and the owners are under heavy pressure to pay the extortion "fines". David Mkenga, head of the rangers at Klein's gate, and one of those sued for contempt of court, is threatening with auctioning off the cattle held there. There are various reports that the councillor of Malambo is much weakened/compromised, urging people to raise money and pay the extortion.
Now people are saying that the cattle at Klein's gate are not being fed.
Total tourism boycott on Tanzania now!
Sued
for contempt of court
Finally,
on 23rd October, the summons are out and I can write about those
involved in the cattle seizures, against whom there is very concrete and
obvious evidence, and who have now been sued in their personal capacity! They are:
Ngorongoro DC Raymond
Mwangwala
“Pololeti” “conservator” Pius
Rwiza
Prisca
J. Ulomi,
Head of the Government Communication Unit, who signed the letter from the
attorney general’s office with the government’s “interpretation” of the ruling.
Robert Laizer,
in charge of the rangers at Lengijape, Arash
David Mkenga,
in charge of the rangers at Klein’s gate, Ololosokwan
Pius Rwiza SUED |
Raymond Mwangwala SUED |
We should thank the lawyers Joseph and Denis Oleshangai, Yonas Masiaya Laiser, Melau Alais, Jebra Kambole, Jeremiah Mtobesya and Mpale Mpoki for this.
The court hearing is scheduled for 31st October.
Odero harassed about citizenship at ACPHR session – with good events and traitors
The 77th Ordinary Session of the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights is going on in Arusha of all places. Human rights criminals like the Minister of Constitutional and Legal Affairs, Pindi Chana …, are holding speeches about human rights defenders. The very Tanzanian journalist and Executive Director of Civic and Legal Aid Organization (CILAO) Odero Charles Odero was at one side event on 19th October and spoke about human rights violations in Loliondo and Ngorongoro. He was next day, at the inauguration of the 77th session, picked up, detained and questioned by five Immigration officials, under the lead of Ali Fikirini, who had orders from above. They wanted to see his passport, for which he could provide a soft copy, and they had all kinds of stupid questions about his grandparents. Questioning Tanzanians' citizenship is one of the most classic tools for the Tanzanian government's stupid-evil harassment. Fortunately, Odero was accompanied by advocate Paul Kisabo who had been at the inauguration with him.
Odero |
Odero again spoke up on 24th October, in a side event called The Coercive Conservation Model is broken, organized by Amnesty International, Minority Rights Group, Human Rights Watch and Protection International Africa. This event had the focus totally on Loliondo and Ngorongoro, with a few voices from other areas. ACHPR Commissioner Litha Musyimi-Ogana who was part of the ridiculously government commandeered promotional visit in late January-early February attended the event. Odero spoke briefly, but strongly, informing the commissioner that at this moment livestock were seized and people were being arrested and harassed, while the commission could still not present their report. It was a good meeting where also Edward Porokwa from PINGO’s, lawyer Joseph Oleshangay, Noorkishili Naing’isa from Ololosokwn and others spoke in an impressive way. The commissioner was aware that the commission had been prevented from visiting directly affected villages in Loliondo, but said that they had understood that thanks to social media, and had “strategies” for understanding what was going on. She also said that preparing a report normally takes two years, but that this one will be done quicker. Then she added some quite stupid defence of President Samia as a woman, saying that women have just arrived in state house and have a lot of injustices, created by men, to undo. Noorkishili had asked her to intervene as a woman and that the president was worse than any male president before her, which is a fact. Noorkishili also wondered how you can tell seized livestock to wait for the report.
Noorkishili |
There had initially been some problems for attendants dressed in Maasai attire to pass the gate, but otherwise I haven’t heard of any problems from this meeting.
Present at the meeting, but without saying anything, was one of the currently worst traitors in Loliondo – Rose Njilo of the NGO Mimutie. Already in early 2022 had I been informed that Rose Njilo and Joseph Parsambei (who has been heavily used by the government and the Germans in the legitimization efforts for the brutal and massive land theft) had been seriously compromised. I had also earlier seen some signs of this. While leaders and activists were being badly harassed in 2022, before the military demarcation attack in Loliondo, Rose thought it was a good idea to report Loserian Maoi and Robert Kamakia for cybercrime, since they had called her a “sellout” in a Loita Maasai group on WhatsApp. Fortunately, she did this in Arusha and not Loliondo, so the police officers mostly laughed, even if Loserian and Robert for some time had to attend the police station almost every day. I’ve heard Rose speak up in Clubhouse against the massive land theft in Loliondo, but very clear evidence that she indeed is a traitor of the nastier kind was made public on 22nd October, somewhat dampening the celebration of the summons presented to the Ngorongoro DC and other criminals. Rose had issued a press release agreeing with the government’s “interpretation” of the ruling in the High Court, which means that cattle should still be seized with extortion fines, and people arrested, and saying that there’s only a small group receiving money from abroad that’s opposing this, while everyone else want to work in harmony with the government, respecting boundaries, and that this brings development and work opportunities with the investors. Nobody thinks that Rose herself wrote this, but may she be cursed.
Rose Njilo in early 2022 showing off having reported people for cybercrime. |
Rose Njilo at the event |
Continued
pressure for German-funded crime legitimization
The government keep pressuring
the Ngorongoro councillors to pass the German-funded and facilitated crime
legitimization called the Ngorongoro District Land Use Framework Plan 2023-2043.
While they are all members of the ruling CCM party and more or less
compromised, the Maasai councillors can’t agree to such a genocidal plan. The
crime legitimization was initiated by team of 40 state security and surveyors
that in late October/November 2022, while many village chairpersons were still
in exile in Kenya or hiding, and the councillors were locked up in remand prison
- were sent to re-survey the villages in Loliondo and Sale using illegitimate
or compromised village leaders, while the DC talked about Wildlife Management
Areas, which is still more land alienation and the last thing anyone would “need”
… This was done in a very threatening way, and signs were put up, at least in
Ololosokwan, setting aside zones - outside the stolen land – for exclusive
grazing and tourism use. After the legitimate village chairman returned from
exile on Kenya, most of those signs were thrown away.
On 29th February
and 30th March 2023 meetings were held at the Ngorongoro District
Council Hall in Wasso to pressure all local leaders to agree with the Ngorongoro
District Land Use Framework Plan 2023-2043. This was totally openly and
shamelessly funded and facilitated by the Germans via Frankfurt Zoological
Society. The DC openly threatened the councillors for, even as CCM leaders,
being obstacles to the exercise. The councillors stood firm and on 19th
May they rejected in unison the genocidal proposal that was not just meant to legitimize
the massive, brutal and lawless land theft, but extending to same kind of
dispossession to an area next to Lake Natron. The only leaders speaking in
support of the government’s plan – pretending that it was only about village
land use plans (also a danger) – was the years ago somewhat serious NGO
personality Joseph Parsambei and the stupid and “investor-friendly” chairman of
Soitsambu village, Marko Lorru. As reported in earlier blog posts, the Germans
of course then used Parsambei as a “human rights expert” to “explain” to
diplomats.
On 10th September
the councillors were to vote again on the same genocidal plan, after having
been given a Swahili version, as if that would change anything. Reportedly, security
forces were seen all around the meeting. The councillors again refused to
approve the proposed Ngorongoro District Land Use Framework Plan 2023-2043.
They also refused the Director of the National Land Use Commission the right to
address the council since they had no prior information about his visit and
that his addressing the full council is against the regulations. 24 councillors
again signed to reject the proposed district land-use plan. I have not been
able to find out if these were all of those present, as was the case in May
when also the most unlikely non-pastoralists councillors, including the
chairman who’s been working as OBC’s community liaison for years, and isn’t an
ally in any way, rejected the plan. Anyway, the Maasai councillors are majority.
While local leaders apparently
have behaved in an exemplary way regarding the horrible German-funded district
land use plan, their behaviour trying to stop people from attending the
political rally by opposition politician and long-term Maasai ally Tundu Lissu
was reportedly ugly, and even the somewhat exemplary Ololosokwan village
chairman was involved. Anyway, as reported in the previous blog post, the local
leaders failed in the most spectacular way. Against the orders of the Officer
Commanding District, who said political activities, especially public rallies,
are not permitted in Loliondo, on 8th September Lissu arrived in
Ololosokwan and was received by a long caravan of motorcycles while people ran
next to the CHADEMA vehicles for kilometres. Attendance was massive by people
who for so long had been left alone with their tormentors.
On 11th September
social media accounts of the Ngorongoro DC, and of the district council shared
a most disturbing picture with a text saying that Ololosokwan village council
members, community development experts and conservationists from NCAA and the
district council had done training on development projects and conservation
“benefitting from Pololeti Game Reserve". The councillor Moloimet Saing'eu,
who 2015-2021 worked for OBC, but since 2022 has been on the side of the
people, is in the picture. It’s reported that the village council members
strongly deny having agreed to anything at all, but they haven’t issued any
public statement. I have not been able to find out what the supposed “benefits”
from the crime called “Pololeti game Reserve” were described as. Development
projects are done with German donor funds, so I suppose that’s what’s meant.
The following day, a similar photo appeared from Oloirien.
I think the councillors by now
must have understood that they should long ago have got rid of the big green snake, CCM. As seen again, by the RC’s behaviour when they sought assistance to
release livestock seized in contempt of court, political leverage within the
party to stop land alienation may have worked in the past, but those days are
definitely gone after intra party dissent was crushed under Magufuli, and with
Samia there’s a president with obvious personal hatred against the Maasai, and
who has turned a sick tourism cult into state religion.
The Germans
MUST be sued for their relentless facilitation of violent dispossession
Social media accounts of the
DC’s office, and of the district office, keep reporting about projects by the
German development bank (KfW) and Tanzania National Parks Authority, TANAPA,
and local leaders show nothing but gratitude. However, if ever there was one,
there’s no longer any shadow of a doubt that such German charity is used as a
weapon in the war to finish off pastoralist livelihoods and culture for the
benefit of tourism and conservation.
Remember that in March 2017,
then Minister for Natural Resources and Tourism Jumanne Maghembe and Serengeti
chief park warden William Mwakilema (later head of Tanzania National Parks
Authority, TANAPA, until he recently was demoted to DC for Korogwe district)
told a parliamentary committee (and very much the press) that German funds
would only be released on condition of turning the 1,500 km2 into a
protected area. In Loliondo 600 women demonstrated against accepting the German
money and the district council decided to follow their advice. The conditions
for releasing funds were not denied by the Germans until two years later by
representatives of the development bank in an interview with Chris Lang, and we
didn’t know who was telling the truth. Now we know.
While Loliondo was attacked by
mass arson implemented by Serengeti rangers – FZS’s partners - in August 2017, a most revolting picture was published of the German ambassador at that time,
Detlef Wächter. The picture showed Wächter smilingly handing over buildings for
park staff in Fort Ikoma, in Serengeti National Park, to Minister Maghembe,
while commenting on the long and successful partnership between Germany and
Tanzania in protecting the Serengeti.
After the 2017 illegal mass
arson operation had been stopped, the then Ngorongoro MP and the District Council
Chairman at the time said that there wasn't any risk with accepting German
funds, since they were meant for the whole of Loliondo and Sale, not excluding
the 1,500km2. However there
haven’t been any projects at all in the now brutally and illegally demarcated
area, while projects outside it are being heavily used in government
rhetoric for land alienation.
Reporting from a meeting with
diplomats on 25th March 2022, the Ministry of Natural Resources and
Tourism wrote that the then German ambassador Regine Hess, supported the
government’s “efforts” in Ngorongoro. Publicly, the ambassador never denied it
in any way. The Germans should be judged by what they say, and do, in
public, and they must be sued in any possible court in the world.
In June 2022, FZS, that never
has said anything about violence for conservation in the Serengeti ecosystem, or
elsewhere, seriously rattled by Survival International, expressed “shock” about
the violence in Loliondo and distanced itself from any involvement in the land
demarcation, but still claiming that the land status would be “uncertain”.
However, in an interview in the hunters’ newsletter African Indaba back in June
2013 the late Markus Borner, FZS’s then recently retired long-term head of
Africa programme and resident of Serengeti NP had declared his support for then
Minister Kagasheki’s vociferous threats and lies about the 1,500km2
saying, “the present proposal seems a good way forward”. Besides showing a
surprising ignorance about almost all basic facts, Borner said that the Maasai
should have accepted a WMA – which FZS together with the Tanzanian government for
years had tried to impose on the Loliondo Maasai who wisely rejected it - and
that FZS after the land alienation would act as “mediator between communities
and the central government”.
On 6th July 2022, during
the military attack on Loliondo, Ambassador Hess met with Arusha RC John
Mongella, the main implementor of the massive crime, and talked about the
“cooperation” between the two countries, and the Germans kept showering the
brutal and lawless Tanzanian government with money, in August 2022, Bärbel
Kofler, German Deputy Minister of Economic Cooperation and Development visited
Tanzania for more of the same.
On 20th December
2022, in a ceremony with the worst perpetrators of the crimes in Loliondo, PM
Kassim Majaliwa and then Minister of Natural Resources and Tourism Pindi Chana,
Ambassador Regine Hess handed over 51 vehicles, part of emergency funding and
recovery for biodiversity in response of COVID-19, facilitated by the German
development bank, KfW and FZS. The vehicles were to be distributed into
Serengeti and Nyerere National Parks and Selous Game Reserve and would have a
great impact on supporting “operations”. In the ceremony Majaliwa mentionedpoachers and “encroaching livestock” as the objectives of those “operations”.
On 3rd August 2023,
Katrin Bornemann the Head of Cooperation at the German Embassy together with
the Permanent Secretary Dr. Hassan Abbas from the Ministry of Natural Resources
and Tourism co-chaired the steering committee. While boasting about being the
biggest bilateral donor in the sector, the Germans showered the criminals with
120 million euros to keep making people cry in “mainly the regions
Serengeti, Ngorongoro, Selous and Nyerere as well as Katavi Mahale National
Parks and Corridor and Ruvuma Region.”
And as mentioned, the Germans
have openly and shamelessly funded and facilitated the very threatening crime
legitimization that’s known as the draft Ngorongoro District Land Use Framework
Plan 2023-2043, with money from the German development bank KfW via Frankfurt
Zoological Society which implements the Serengeti Ecosystem Development and Conservation
Program (SEDCP). The plan was rejected by the Ngorongoro councillors in May,
and again in September since:
-It was brought by the central government together with conservation
organizations like NCAA, FZS and KfW (the German development bank) to
legitimize the alienation of the 1,500 km2.
-It isn’t in the interest of
Ngorongoro residents, since its aim is to legitimize the theft of 70% of their
land.
-Passing the plan is to
legitimize the end of life in Ngorongoro via the loss of housing, cultivation
and grazing areas.
-It’s contempt of court, since
there are four cases in the High Court and three in the East African Court of
Justice, concerning the land.
-It violates several laws,
since it didn’t involve the village assemblies.
We
also have the cases in the East African Court of Justice
In the East African Court of
Justice, the ongoing case against the Tanzanian government’s fake and illegal
“Pololeti Game Reserve” is Reference No.37 of 2022. In late September 2022, the
government side responded with some wildly lying objections, but then I haven’t
seen anything scheduled. I almost wonder if the EACJ is operational. Even the
website is down and I get a virus warning when I try to access it.
Appeal No.13 of 2022 East
Africa Court of Justice of the strange ruling in the case about the 2017 mass
arson operation (Reference No.10 of 2017) was heard on 15th May and
the date for ruling was to be communicated. I really don’t know what is
happening with this case. The ruling in Reference No.10 of 2017 Ololosokwan
Village Council & 3 Others versus the Attorney General of the United
Republic of Tanzania was to – after five years and a last-minute postponement
right when massive contempt of court, violating an injunction issued in 2018,
was taking place - dismiss the case since the Maasai has failed to prove that
the 2017 operation took place on village land and not in Serengeti National
Park! This when the government’s own documents clearly show that a huge
majority of the bomas were burned on village land. The ruling also shows that
the judges just didn’t understand what the witnesses said. For example, it
mentions that one of the Maasai witnesses said he was acting chairperson of
“Kilolo” village and was informed that homesteads had been destroyed in
“Olototokum” village. Such villages don’t exist but refer to “Oloirien” and
“Ololosokwan” respectively, and those were two of the applicant villages …
After the ruling, Kenyan Maasai shared the information that one of the judges,
Charles Nyachae, was the son of an infamous grabber of Maasai land in Kenya.
Was the ruling a result of sloppiness – maybe on all sides – or were the judges
compromised? At least the ruling established that there’s national park and
then there’s village land, nothing else.
Application No.2 of 2022, a
contempt of court application, filed in January 2022, when RC Mongella started
making threats of alienating the 1,500 km2, against which the East
African Court of Justice had issued an injunction in September 2018. An
affidavit was filed after every court order, law, and human right, had been
violated. This important case was heard in November 2022 in Kampala, and I was
told that it was probably scheduled for delivery of ruling on the Preliminary
Objection in June, but still nothing has been heard.
Reference No.29 of 2022 in the
East African Court of Justice is not about the brutal Loliondo land theft but
challenges the coordinated and suffocating policies in the Ngorongoro
Conservation Area. Apparently, there’s still nothing scheduled for this case.
Brief Loliondo hunting block background
Otterlo Business Corporation,
owned by Mohammed Abdul Rahim Al Ali, that organize hunting for Sheikh Mohammed
of Dubai, has had the 4,000 km2 Loliondo hunting block (permit to
hunt) since 1993 (contract signed in 1992). They got the hunting block in the
Loliondogate scandal covered by the reporter Stan Katabalo in 1993 until he
passed away under suspect circumstances the same year. This area includes two
towns – Wasso and Loliondo - district headquarters, agricultural areas, and
Thomson Safaris’ land grab. So OBC have lobbied to have it reduced to their
core hunting area bordering Serengeti National Park, and to make it a protected
area (brutally and illegally done in 2022) which would signify a huge land loss
to the local Maasai, leading to lost lives and livelihoods. OBC’s first
irregular 10-year contract was revoked already in the corruption scandal in the
1990s and since then the hunting blocked has been renewed like any other hunting
block.
Protests by local leaders
against OBC’s construction near water sources, oversized airstrip and bad
attitudes towards the Maasai and their livestock, led to some international
press coverage in 2001-2002.
In 2008, the then Ngorongoro
DC Jowika Kasunga coerced local leaders into signing a Memorandum of
Understanding with OBC. There were supposed to be talks to coordinate grazing
and hunting, but when the 2009 drought turned catastrophic, OBC went to the
government to complain. As a result, the village land in the 1,500 km2
was illegally invaded by the Field Force Unit working with OBC’s rangers, with
mass arson, dispersal of cattle, and abuse of every kind. 7-year-old Nashipai
Gume was lost in the chaos and never found, ever since.
The Maasai moved back, and
some leaders reconciled with OBC that went on to funding a Ngorongoro District
Land Use Framework Plan 2010–2030 that proposed turning the village land that
had been invaded into a protected area. The Maasai were united, and the draft
land use plan was rejected by Ngorongoro District Council in 2011.
In 2013, then Minister of
Natural Resources and Tourism Khamis Kagasheki lied to the world saying that
the whole 4,000 km2 Loliondo Game Controlled Area (Loliondo Division
and part of Sale Division of Ngorongoro District) was a protected area and that
alienating the important 1,500 km2 meant generously giving the
remaining land to the Maasai. This huge lie and ugly trick did not work, since
the Maasai were more serious and united than ever, garnered support from both
the opposition CHADEMA and from CCM, and then PM Mizengo Kayanza Peter Pinda
stopped Kagasheki’s threats.
After the unity, efforts to
buy off local leaders started creating serious divisions and weakening. Some
found it convenient to benefit from openly praising the “investors” and
attacking people who they at the same time expected to take risks to defend the
land. Though nobody signed any MoU.
The investors (OBC and Thomson Safaris) had for years used the local police state that through the successive DCs, security committee, and most every government employee will threaten anyone who could speak up about them and engage in defamation and illegal arrests. The repression and fear of this police state became worse with Magufuli in office. There were lengthy illegal arrests, torture, and malicious prosecution, by 2016 – after OBC had written a report complaining about the Maasai and engaged the press - it was so bad that PM Majaliwa could enter the stage with a select non-participatory committee, set up by then Arusha RC Mrisho Gambo. Some of the members were local leaders and other representatives, serious NGOs included, that found themselves at the opposite side of the people when marking “critical areas” under spontaneous protests in each village. A much misused photo of a confrontation between police and Maasai is from these protests and not any other time. The proposal handed over to the PM was seen as a victory, even though it was a sad compromise (a WMA) that had earlier been successfully rejected for many years of better unity and less acute fear.
This picture is from 17th-19th March 2017 when villagers were protesting marking of "critical areas" that their own weakened leders were participating in. Do NOT use it for anything else. |
A week earlier 5th - 7th March 2017, a Standing Parliamentary Committee - co-opted by Minister Maghembe who in January was making declarations that the 1,500km2 must be alienated - toured Loliondo and the members were told that German funds would only be released on condition of turning the 1,500 km2 into a protected area. In Loliondo 600 women demonstrated against accepting the German money and the district council decided to follow their advice. Local leaders saw RC Gambo as their "only friend", or that's the sole and weak excuse for their behaviour.
Maybe since the Maasai showed
such weakness, the government went on with the unthinkable and while everyone
was still waiting to hear Majaliwa’s decision, on 13th August 2017
an illegal mass arson operation, like the one in 2009, was initiated and
continued, on and off, well into October. Hundreds of bomas were razed to the
ground by Serengeti rangers, assisted by NCAA rangers and those from OBC, TAWA,
local police and others. People were beaten and raped, illegally arrested, and
cattle seized. Some leaders were frightfully silent while others protested
loudly. Minister Maghembe pretended that OBC’s land use plan would have been
implemented and the operation was taking place on some protected land.
Meanwhile the DC and Maghembe’s own ministry, said it was not about the 1,500
km2, since Majaliwa was to announce a decision about that, but that
village land was invaded because people were entering Serengeti National Park
“too easily”.
Oloosek 13th August 2017 |
The illegal operation wasn’t
stopped until late October 2017, a couple of weeks after Hamisi Kigwangalla
came into office. The new minister also made grand promises, like saying that
OBC would have left Tanzania before 2018, but it was very soon clear that OBC
weren’t going anywhere. On 6th December 2017, Majaliwa delivered his
vague but terrifying decision that was about, through a legal bill, creating a
“special authority” to manage the land. He also said that OBC were staying. The
decision was celebrated in the anti-Maasai press (Manyerere Jackton in the
Jamhuri). Implementation was delayed, still no legal bill has been seen, and it
would of course have been contempt of court.
In March 2018, Kigwangalla welcomed OBC’s hunters to Tanzania (directing himself to a fake account that he thought was the Twitter account of the Dubai crown prince), and in April the same year, OBC - once again - gifted the Ministry of Natural Resources of Tourism with 15 vehicles.
In March 2018, a military camp was set up in Lopolun,
near Wasso in Loliondo, first temporary, but eventually made permanent with
donations from the NCAA, and the soldiers started attacking and beating apparently random people.
In June 2018, the OCCID and
local police tried to derail the case in the East African Court of Justice
(EACJ) – filed during the illegal operation in 2017 - by summoning local
leaders and villagers. Nobody dared to speak up about this, except for the
applicants' main counsel.
On 25th September
2018 – a year after the illegal operation - the court finally issued an
injunction restraining the government from evictions, destruction and
harassment of the applicants, but this injunction was soon brutally violated.
In November and December 2018,
soldiers from the camp in Olopolun tortured people, seized cattle, and burned
bomas in Kirtalo and Ololosokwan. This was the lowest point ever in the land
rights struggle (until theland theft of 2022) and I have still not understood how
it could happen without anyone at all speaking up. Local leaders claimed to
fear for their lives and thought that the brutality was directly ordered by
President Magufuli. When RC Gambo in January 2019 condemned the crimes in a
very vague way, they changed to thinking that OBC’s director had contracted the
soldiers.
There were finally some
promising developments in 2019 when OBC’s director Isaack Mollel was arrested
on economic sabotage charges and OBC toned down (they never left and Mollel was
never fired) their activities on the ground. However, the local police state
was not dealt with and following a lengthy stay in remand prison Mollel was
out, through plea bargaining, and after a while he went back to work.
Speculations about Mollel’s misfortune include his clashes of egos with
Kigwangalla and Gambo, and Magufuli wanting to send a message to OBC’s old
friend Abdulrahman Kinana (and to Bernard Membe) that nobody is untouchable.
In September 2019, a genocidal
zoning proposal for NCA was presented by chief conservator Manongi. It included the proposal to annex the 1,500
km2 (but in the form of two areas: a corridor bordering Serengeti and an area in Malambo, like in the illegal demarcation in 2022) and turn it into a protected area allowing hunting. This Multiple Land Use Model review proposal was met with countless
protests from every kind of group of people from NCA, but near silence from
Loliondo where leaders were pretending that the threat had been averted.
2021 brought Jumaa Mhina as
new District Executive Director and he started working to kill the court cases
against land grabbing “investors”. Though the village chairmen stood their
ground and Reference No. 10 of 2017, Ololosokwan, Kirtalo, Oloirien, and Arash
v the Attorney General of the United Republic of Tanzania continued before the
EACJ until it was dismissed in September 2022. The case against Thomson Safaris
in the Tanzanian court of appeal, however, was in 2022 killed using a law that
was introduced after the case was filed.
Briefly
about the 2022 threats leading up to the brutal illegal demarcation
On 11th January
2022, Arusha RC John Mongella summoned village and ward leaders from villages
with land in the 1,500 km2 to inform them that the government would
make "a painful decision for the broader interest of the nation". The leaders,
even those who for years had worked for OBC and against the people, refused to
accompany the RC for a tour of the 1,500 km2, or to sign the
attendance list. On 13th-14th January in Oloirien there
was a public protest meeting and a statement by village, ward, and traditional
leaders.
A contempt of court
application was filed in the East African Court of Justice, since the RC’s
threats were in clear violation of the injunction issued in September 2018.
On 14th February
2022, Majaliwa came and was not much better than Mongella, but too
well-received, since something worse was expected, because of the crazy
anti-Maasai hate campaign, and parliamentarians calling for tanks to be sent to
Ngorongoro. It wasn’t very clear what the PM had actually said.
Three days later, on 17th
February 2022, in NCA, not Loliondo, Majaliwa ordered the disputed land
to be marked by beacons, “so that we may know the boundaries” – while
claiming that this was NOT a trick! Now we know what the intention was.
In late February 2022, President Samia visited the Expo Dubai 2020 and met with Sheikh Mohammed. “I would like to take this opportunity to welcome you all to Tanzania, where the business and investment environment are more than conducive. Come one, come all to Tanzania.”, the president said, according to the Tanzanian embassy, and the invitation has been taken up (see DP World, carbon scams etc.)
Then Minister for Natural Resources and Tourism Damas Ndumbaro on 8th March 2022 re-introduced Kagasheki’s lies in an interview with DW Kiswahili, and on the 11th Majaliwa again mentioned beacons and water projects for Loliondo when informing parliamentarians about a fake spectacle that he had set up in Arusha, without people from Ngorongoro, the previous day.
At a huge protest meeting in
Arash on 19th March, several leaders spoke up in defence of the
land, among them the Arash ward councillor Mathew Siloma spoke up very clearly
and strongly. The message from this meeting was:
-PM Majaliwa is a liar.
-The Maasai are not renouncing
one square inch of land.
-They request to meet with the
president, since Majaliwa cannot be trusted.
On 31st March 2022,
Abdulrahman Kinana was brought in from the cold, after having fallen out with
Magufuli, and is now Vice-Chairman of CCM mainland. Kinana is one of OBC’s and
Sheikh Mohammed’s best and oldest friends since at least 1993.
CCM councillors that had
spoken up against plans of robbing the Maasai of the 1,500 km2 were
being intimidated, arrested, and summoned to be “interrogated” in Arusha. The
councillors of Arash and Malambo had to keep reporting to the police.
On 25th May 2022, a
committee handed over their reports of “community recommendations” on both NCA
and the 1,500 km2 in Loliondo to PM Majaliwa who said that he was
going to work on the recommendations. The Loliondo/Sale report recommended a stop to any plans of alienating the 1,500 km2,
investigations into human rights violations, and the removal of OBC. That was what Majaliwa had to work
with, but instead he stole the land, committed atrocities, and OBC is still
there.
On 3rd June 2022,
Minister of Natural Resources and Tourism Pindi Chana in her budget speech
announced that her ministry expected to upgrade Loliondo to a Game Reserve, but
she did this while listing huge areas of Tanzania for the same expectation.
That did not sound believable or realistic in any way, and there was hardly any
reaction, except for an intervention by Ngorongoro MP Emmanuel Oleshangai. At
least I could not imagine that anything so brutal and unlawful could happen so
soon, but it did.
Briefly
about the brutal and illegal demarcation of a fake game reserve
On 8th June 2022,
Wasso town was overflowing with security forces that went on to set up camps on
the 90 km stretch from Ololosokwan to Piyaya, and in Malambo. Almost every
Tanzania Regional Police Commissioner vehicle was seen in Loliondo on the day.
The Maasai held prayers and deliberations, and in Kirtalo on the 9th
a video clip with the message that they were ready to die for their land was
prepared for Majaliwa. A coordinated threat with vicious propaganda, and the
old lie from 2013, was issued primarily by Arusha RC John Mongella, who had
recorded a message in connection with closed meeting the previous days, and PM Kassim
Majaliwa, assisted by speaker of parliament Tulia Ackson, in parliament. They
were soon joined by many government representatives repeating the same lie.
All councillors from affected wards – except the Soitsambu councillor who managed to flee - were on 9th June 2022, lured to a meeting by DC Raymond Mwangwala, they were abducted, bundled in two cars and driven to Arusha overnight.
The following day illegal
land demarcation - which is what Otterlo Business Corporation (OBC), that
organizes hunting for Sheikh Mohammed of Dubai, for years has lobbied for -
began in a rain of teargas and bullets. Many Maasai were beaten, slashed by
bayonets, hit by teargas canisters, raped and thousands fled across the border
where many of them continued as refugees for several months, with their cattle.
The then 84-years-old Oriais Oleng'iyo was last seen on 10th June
with bullet wounds and detained by the Field Force Unit few metres away from
his home where security forces were firing fireworks. A police officer was
killed by arrowshot, which the government used to charge – with murder - the
councillors who had been abducted the previous day, obviously without a thought
on investigating the killing. Motorbikes and telephones were destroyed or
stolen by the security forces.
There was a hunt for anyone
who could have shared pictures of the crimes (which effectively has been done
by everyone with a smartphone) and ten people, later joined by seven more, were
illegally arrested, eventually, together with the councillors, charged with a
bogus “murder”. The trial kept being postponed for inexistent “investigation”, there
was never any hearing, only postponements, and they continued locked up in
remand prison for well over five months. Three were released for reasons of
health and studies. The flow of information was almost completely cut after the initial arrests.
On 15th June 2022,
Deputy Permanent Representative to the Tanzanian Mission to the UN in Geneva,
Hoyce Temu, in a widely shared clip, denied any state violence, parroting the
malicious and obvious government lie about a “protected area” that had been
“encroached” and about “peaceful talks” with local residents. Meanwhile, the
councillors from affected wards were still abducted at unknown location, and
their whereabouts were only known the following day when they were charged with
“murder”.
Government representatives
made multiple military style visits landing in helicopter to pose with beacons,
tell lies, and issue threats.
On 13th June 2022, then Inspector General of Police threatened anyone who'd stir things up, and he particularly mentioned politicians that are using the Maasai for their own benefit. |
Commissioner General of Immigration, Anna Makakala, on 22nd June announced that there would be 10 days of flushing out illegal immigrants.
Minster Pindi Chana without
following any law or procedure declared the illegally demarcated land as
“Pololeti Game Controlled Area” (GN No.421, 2022) on 17th June,
which was announced in a zoom meeting on the 22nd.
On 21st June 2022, spineless diplomats applauded
Minister Ndumbaro’s obvious lies about what was happening. Also present and lying were then Deputy Minister Mary Masanja, Director of Wildlife Maurus Msuha and Minister of Foreign Affairs Liberata Mulamula. Though many
international organisations condemned the government’s actions.
Mary Masanja greeting the UAE ambassador at the meeting in which diplomats were happy to be told lies. |
The much-expected court ruling
in the case filed during the mass arson in 2017, and scheduled for 22nd
June 2022, was the last minute shockingly postponed to September.
On 23rd June 2022, PM Majaliwa led a military celebration of the brutal attack on the Maasai.
On 24th June 2022, people were told to leave within 24 hours or all their livestock would be confiscated. Houses were demolished or razed. TAWA illegally seized livestock and demanded extortionate “fines”. The dry season deepened without access to the most important grazing area. In Ormanie, Arash ward, on 27th June, cows, donkeys, calves, and other livestock were shot by the security forces.
As announced, there were mass arrests of people accused of being “Kenyan”. Nursing mothers were locked up, some children had both their parents arrested, and by November every one of the bogus immigration cases - only meant to terrorize and paralyze - had been dismissed.
Loliondo refugees in Kenya |
On 28th September 2022, Minister Chana announced that the illegally demarcated 1,500 km2 in Loliondo had been placed under the management of the NCAA.
On 30th September
the East African Court of Justice dismissed Reference No.10 of 2017 on the
grounds that the Maasai had failed to prove that the mass arson of 2017 was
committed on village land and not in Serengeti National Park. This ruling was
quite inexplicable when even the government’s own map show that the crime was
committed on village land. Some confused and very unhelpful journalists
confused this with the 2022 operation and reported that the court had approved “cordoning
off” of the land.
TAWA, at the height of the dry
season, continued illegal seizures of livestock and extortion of huge fines,
100,000 shillings per cow and 25,000 per sheep or goat. NCAA rangers were
reportedly trained and set up camp. In Malambo, on 8th November, the
head of the NCAA camp announced that TAWA had left, and the boundaries were
being guarded by the Field Force Unit.
On 31st October, or
1st November 2022, it was announced that President Samia had on 14th
October declared a Pololeti Game Reserve (GN No.604, 2022). It came as a nasty
surprise for the lawyers that on 1st November were in court for the
mention of Miscellaneous Cause No.09 of 2022, even if it seems like it was also
on Tanzania Broadcasting Corporation the previous evening.
Several court cases were filed
to stop the brutal, fake and illegal protected area: two in the High Court and one in the East African Court of Justice, the ruling in
the case filed in 2017 has been appealed, and there’s a contempt of court
application.
On 1st November, in
an NCA advertorial in the extreme anti-Maasai newspaper the Jamhuri, a
“conservator” for the fake and illegal game reserve – Pius Rwiza - spoke of how
calm and wonderful everything is after the demarcation. He says that the Maasai
understand the demarcation but must keep a further 500 metres away from it! And
he wanted them to create WMAs, outside the illegally demarcated 1,500 km2,
which is another kind of land alienation that also was included in the
OBC-funded draft district land use plan that was rejected by Ngorongoro
District Council in 2011.
Towards the end of October
2022, there were reports of a notice issued by the DC about redrawing of
village boundaries with new village land use plans, and some 40 state security
and surveyors on the ground. Through intimidation and government installed
traitors, it was said that the land use plan had been passed, but that would of
course not be legal in any way.
Between 14th-17th
November 2022, nine immigration cases against 62 people who still had such
cases pending after the mass arrests in June and July were discharged for want
of prosecution.
On 22nd November
2022, it was announced that the Director of Public Prosecution had no intention
to continue with the ridiculous “murder” case against 24 people, including ten
CCM councillors and the CCM district chairman. The leaders were, directly after
being released, whisked off to CCM internal elections to vote for candidates
close to RC Mongella.
On 20th December
2022, in a ceremony with PM Kassim Majaliwa and Minister of Natural Resources
and Tourism Pindi Chana, the German Ambassador to Tanzania Regina Hess handed
over 51 vehicles, part of 20 million euros committed funds by Germany for
emergency funding and recovery for biodiversity in response of COVID19
facilitated by the German development bank, KfW, and Frankfurt Zoological
Society, FZS. The vehicles will be distributed into Serengeti and Nyerere
National Parks and Selous Game Reserve and will have a great impact on
supporting “operations”. In the ceremony Majaliwa mentioned poachers and
“encroaching livestock” as the objectives of those “operations”.
The Tanzanians online – who
since early 2022 had become very sympathetic to the Maasai - toward the end of
2022, unfortunately, again became busy with wildlife trafficking from Loliondo,
without presenting evidence in any form. Even OBC’s Mollel participated in a
zoom seminar organized to deny this – instead of talking about the insanely
brutal and illegal land alienation.
Livestock keep being seized, destroying everyone’s livelihood and mental health.
23rd – 28th
January, the African Commission on Human and People’s Rights visited,
specifically to have a look at Loliondo and Ngorongoro, but the visit was
co-opted by the government and the Commission did not see a single victim from
Loliondo. Salangat Mako from Ololosokwan recorded a message for the Commission
and then had to flee to Kenya for a while after threats.
Rangers from Bologonja in Serengeti
National Park joined NCAA rangers/FFU in seizing cattle on village land in
Ololosokwan, illegally declared a game reserve, and taking them to Mugumu for
auctioning. They continued with this until they almost lost a court case and
one of them suffered a fatal motorcycle accident.
On
29th February and 30th March 2023 meetings meant to
legitimize the 1,500 km2 land theft via a Ngorongoro District Land
Use Framework Plan for the next 20 years was held at the Ngorongoro District
Council Hall in Wasso. This was openly and shamelessly funded and facilitated
by the Germans via FZS. The DC openly threatened the councillors for being
obstacles to the exercise and the years ago somewhat serious NGO personality
Joseph Parsambei openly came out as a traitor, as did the chairman of Soitsambu village.
On
5th May 2023, a NCAA ranger was lightly injured by an arrowshot from
an unknown hero archer and there were reports that the rangers stopped
patrolling at nighttime.
On 19th May 2023
the councillors at Ngorongoro District Council voted in unison to reject in
total the government’s German-facilitated draft 2023-2043 Ngorongoro District Land Use Framework Plan.
A Maasai delegation visited
Europe and on 31st May 2023, they attended a public event at the EU
Parliament in which they, there at the same venue, could respond to the usual
demented government lies spewed by Jestas Abouk Nyamanga, Tanzanian ambassador
to Belgium, Luxembourg, and European Union Commission and Prof. Malebo, Tanzanian UNESCO secretary.
Lawyer Joseph Oleshangay from Endulen, Nengai Kilusu Laizer from Oloirobi, and Noorkishili
Nakero Naing’isa from Ololosokwan were there and spoke the truth.
On the anniversary of the
brutal and lawless land theft, several local leaders and other victims gave
their testimony of the crimes at a meeting in Mto Wa Mbu, and others had
already been recorded by a fact-finding mission.
On 22nd August 2023,
the high court ruled that Miscellaneous Civil Cause No. 178 of 2022, the case
dealing with the president’s GN No.604 of 2022, declaring a “game reserve” can
proceed and prohibited operation of the GN until determination of the case.
EU parliamentarians who were
to visit Ngorongoro and Loliondo were 24 hours before their departure on 4th
September 2023, stopped by the Tanzanian government that had invited them.
On 8th September
2023, against orders by the Officer Commanding District, Tundu Lissu, held
meetings in Ololosokwan and Wasso, with an overwhelming reception.
NCA,
bye bye Manongi, and the government again denies well-documented adulterated
salt
This blog post is getting far
too long, but for some quick updates about Ngorongoro Conservation Area where
the government with restrictions on every aspect of life, and illegal blocking
of social services is attempting to make the Maasai “voluntarily” relocate to
other people’s land, with heavy media propaganda about Msomera in Handeni.
As detailed in previous blog
posts, there was a manhunt and mass arrests in Endulen ward after a week of
protests to demand a permit to renovate the badly cracked Nasipooriong’ Primary
School, and by extension the blocking of all such permits since 2021, and the
government provocateur and genocidal inciter, Habib Mchange, was chased away
from Endulen market. Those arrested were held incommunicado for several days,
many were tortured, and all were questioned about why they were refusing to
relocate to Msomera. Even the MP, Emmanuel Oleshangai, was arrested/abducted
and held incommunicado for two nights. Later, when Tundu Lissu was blocked from
visiting Ngorongoro division on 9th September there were huge
protests led by women and the presence of the Field Force Unit was heavily
increased. Glory Julius was arrested and badly beaten. Currently, those who were
arrested must report at Karatu Police Station every four days as a means of
harassment and sabotage to make them lose time and money.
Also mentioned in the previous
blog post, Flying Medical Service, after 16 months of being grounded for
reasons not made known to them, got a temporary clearance to fly again.
Infuriatingly, in NCA they are only allowed to attend to urgencies, but not
provide vaccines or maternal and child care. Their long grounding added to the
life-threatening situation with defunded dispensaries and the downgraded
Endulen Hospital. “During those 16 empty months, we had to totally
unnecessarily refuse to fly 146 emergency flight requests, not treat more than
9,294 patients, not vaccinate more than 31,628 children, not examine 7,192
pregnant women, not treat 231 TB patients, and not treat 102 HIV patients.”
tweeted FMS.
The heavy propaganda for
“voluntary” relocation to Msomera in Handeni continues, ignoring protests by
displaced Msomera villagers and complaints about unfulfilled promises and the
unsuitability for pastoralism by some Ngorongoro migrants, including the government’s
poster boy, former MP Telele. On 18th September the deputy minister
of Lands, Housing and Human Settlement Development, Geophrey Pinda, declared
that the Ngorongoro immigrants do not have the right to sell their land and
houses in Msomera, while landownership has been a main argument in the
government propaganda. Otherwise, a very often heard government “argument” is
that nobody owns land in Tanzania … On 25th September, Manongi
signed a MoU with the army, or more exactly the national service, Jeshi la
Kujenga Taifa (JKT), about building 5,000 houses in Msomera, Kitwai and Saunyi
villages, half of them in Msomera. The construction was initiated in a very
militaristic way on 6th October by what is supposed to be a 6,000-man
JKT workforce. If 2,500 households can be made to relocate to Msomera, the village
will be crowded indeed. On 15th October Minister of Defence and
National Service Stergomena Tax visited Msomera to keep on praising President Samia.
On 7th October, the
NCAA issued a statement again denying the already in December 2021 laboratory
tested adulterated and hazardous replacement salt that the authority offered to
the villages of Misigiyo, Kayapus, Mokilal, Oloirobi, and Irkeepus after they
lost all saltlicks when access to Ngorongoro Crater was restricted in 2017.
This was because the issue had again surfaced in social media when an article
was published. On 15th October a press conference was held by
Ngorongoro people setting the record straight. Only many months after his
release did I understand that the reason that the councillor of Ngorongoro
ward, Simon Saitoti, was arrested on 1st July 2022 and joined to the
murder charges against the Loliondo councillors that were abducted on 9th
June 2022 (for a killing that took place on the 10th) was that he
has been speaking up about this dangerous salt that killed many cows. At least
it was what he was interrogated about.
On 3rd October it
was announced that the NCAA assistant conservator Elibariki Bajuta was being
transferred to become DC of Urambo. Bajuta has in different capacities, I first
heard about him as district tourism officer, exercised his personal hatred
against the Maasai. The same announcement said that the head of TANAPA, William
Mwakilema, was transferred to become DC for Korogwe. In Mwakilema’s case this
was definitely a demotion, and I’m told this is obvious in Bajuta’s case too.
Mwakilema is another criminal who was Serengeti chief park warden when the park
management was the main implementor of the mass arson operation 2017. Nobody
seems to know the reason why Bajuta and Mwakilema were transferred.
On 12th October, quite
surprising, it was announced that the horrible NCA Chief Conservator Freddy
Manongi has been replaced. It was indeed two years since President Samia
renewed his appointment for two more years, when he was about to retire, but
finally this very dangerous enemy of the Ngorongoro Maasai, who’s been chief
conservator since 2013, will retire. The new chief conservator is Richard
Rwanyakatoo Kiiza who comes from TANAPA.
Good riddance! |
15-year-old Joshua Olepatorro
whose upper front teeth the NCA ranger Elibariki Israel Namungu on 13th
August smashed out beating him with the butt of his gun is having some problems
getting justice, since a criminal case requires cooperation from the police.
His case was one mentioned in the song “Mnatuona nyani” (You see us as baboons)
by the artist Sifa Bujune who was arrested for incitement and then charged with
specifically the lines about Joshua as “false, deceptive, misleading, or
inaccurate”, violating the Cybercrimes Act. Those lines of the song about the
Tanzanian government’s attitude are very well documented though.
As been detailed in several blog
posts, UNESCO World Heritage Centre – with its many reports with “grave concerns”
about “increase in the number of people residing in the property” is the main
instigator of the Tanzanian government’s human rights violations in NCA. I must
write more about this in a blog post about NCA, but for the first time in its State
of conservation of properties inscribed on the of World Heritage List (Extended forty-fifth session Riyadh, Kingdom of Saudi Arabia 10-25 September 2023) UNESCO
is addressing these “alleged” violations – that it claims to have received numerous
letters about in 2021 and 2022 - urging the State Party to demonstrate, ensure
and rebut, while stubbornly denying any own responsibility and putting a lot of
faith in a not yet released report by the ACPHR that in January 2023 made government
commandeered visit to NCA, Msomera and Loliondo.
On 13th October in
social media the Tanzanian government’s favourite liar and inciter against the
Maasai of Loliondo, UNESCO’s general secretary in Tanzania Hamisi Malebo again
boasted of his spewing of disinformation at the UN. According to the Tanzanian government’s
own “information”, which Malebo linked to, the occasion was a letter by Special
Rapporteur Francisco CalĂ Tzay about Thomson Safaris, a tourism investor involved
in a very ugly land grab in Loliondo, about which all information has been
almost totally suppressed for years, even by those who should know better.
However, Malebo did not seem to understand this, but parroted the government’s usual
very deranged lies (see above) about Loliondo and NCA. Malebo is appointed by
Tanzania and not UNESCO, but the organization has never distanced itself from
this individual in any way.
At the World Travel Awards on
16th October at the Atlantis Royal Hotel in Dubai, Ngorongoro Conservation
Area received the award as Best Tourism Attraction in Africa. Please boycott Tanzania! Total tourism boycott!
Apologies and
reflexions on very long and horribly delayed blog posts
The reason for the length and
delay of this blog post is that too much is happening and I’m having problem
keeping up and keeping focus. As soon as I’m about to publish there’s new
important information that’s unconfirmed, or not yet suitable for the public
(this can cause very long delays). I’m trying to keep the writing brief, so
that at least someone will read it, but fear misunderstandings if I don’t
provide enough context, and this fear is well-founded through experience. I
feel a terrible unease about missing some important aspect, or that some information
could be withheld from me. Reporting about Loliondo has become better since the
days when it was just atrociously misleading, and I don’t mean the obvious government/investor
disinformation, but well-meaning reporters and researchers that didn’t seem to
care about facts. Still, almost every article gets something significant very wrong.
So, please get in touch with me if you’re writing about Loliondo. I’m one of
very few people who remembers what has happened the past decade, and I want you
to get everything right. Follow me on Twitter for speedier, but maybe
unconfirmed information.
Where is Oriais Oleng’iyo?
Susanna Nordlund is a working-class person based in Sweden who since 2010 has been blogging about Loliondo (increasingly also about NCA) and has her fingerprints thoroughly registered with Immigration so that she will not be able to enter Tanzania through any border crossing, ever again. She has never worked for any NGO or intelligence service and hasn’t earned a shilling from her Loliondo work. She can be reached at sannasus@hotmail.com
Updates
27th October
The cattle owners were not allowed to pass Klein's Gate to got to their cattle held by the TANAPA cattle rustlers at Lobo in Serengeti.
At dawn very high numbers of cattle have been seized
in Malambo, Irkarian and Sanjan by the criminal NCAA rangers, some taken to
their camp and some released after the rangers have been paid big bribes.
30th October
The
criminals are testing a lie that would mean that the district court, the DC,
the district council, and everyone else in the old Loliondo GCA (all village
land) are trespassing. Application by the DPP for auctioning seized cattle.
People of Mondorosi village donated 95 cows and 339
goats/sheep to villagers whose livestock have been stolen. 26/10, 260 cattle
belonging to Mondorosi families were seized in Kirtalo and driven to Lobo
(Serengeti) by TANAPA criminals, then they were illegally auctioned.
13th November
Never has contempt of court been more obvious than
when the interim orders issued by the East African Court of Justice on 25th
September 2018 were violated. Still, today the judges – in one minute –
dismissed the application. The “reasoning” will be delivered in two weeks, but
there isn’t any kind of possible “reason”. One of the judges was again the son
of a land grabber Nyachae. Were the judges compromised or just too lazy and
stupid to care? The contempt is even documented in two lawless GNs and 424 illegal
beacons …
19th November
The MP held a meeting in Oloipiri.
21st November
Since OBC still has complaints, their own private journalist is back with an "article".
22nd November
Court?
Postponement to 22nd January.
28th November
New article by Manyerere Jackton and terrible and swift reply bt NCAA.
29th November
Reports of seizures of cattle in Ololosokwan, but without any details.
Good news from the East African Court of Justice!
The Appellate Division has ruled against Tanzania
government in Appeal Case No 12 of 2022.
It has ordered that, Reference No 10 of 2017 was badly
tried in first instance division. And this is the biggest understatement ever.
Court ordered retrial of the case with cost against
government.
30th November
The "reasoned" version of the demented dismissal of the contempt of court case in the EACJ was delivered, but I can't get hold of it.
(I eventually did).
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