Tomorrow PM Majaliwa is supposed to visit Ngorongoro Conservation Area, so this blog post about his visit to Loliondo must be published now tonight, even if I'd liked to work more on it.
I just don’t
know how to stop people from mixing up the two closely related issues
(following my blog would be a good idea though) or from creating more inexplicable
confusion.
In this blog post:
Majaliwa in
Loliondo
The 1,500
km2, OBC, and Majaliwa’s destructive intervention in 2016-2017 – compare with what’s
happening now
Anti-Maasai
press conference
-This year started with a
leaked plan for “voluntary” evictions from Ngorongoro Conservation Area (NCA) to
be fully prepared to begin in February.
-Then on 11th
January RC Mongella visited Loliondo and issued a land alienation threat that
made even the biggest traitors speak up. The following day there were protest
meetings and a statement.
-A couple of international
organisations issued statements in support of the Maasai.
-The Jamvi la Habari paper initiated
a hate campaign against the Maasai of NCA that spread all over regular and social
media, was joined by crazed sports presenters, and later (or from the start?) the
old anti-Maasai Jamhuri paper.
-These journalists started an
organization with its sole focus on evicting the Maasai from Ngorongoro and
were treated as serious actors by other media.
-Tanzanians in social media
who had earlier not paid much attention to Ngorongoro saw what was going on, were
appalled, and started speaking up, even the most prominent ones.
-In parliament on 9th
February MPs competed in being wilfully ignorant, hateful, and calling for
evictions from Ngorongoro, and Loliondo, there was much laughter and table
banging, while only three MPs spoke up for the Maasai. Majaliwa said that the Ngorongoro
Conservation Area Act would be reviewed, but first there was to be a seminar for
the MPs and he would meet with people in Ngorongoro and Loliondo.
-The Ministry of Natural
Resources and Tourism uploaded some of the worst clips of MPs, and not as bad examples
…
-On 11th February
eight permanent secretaries to ministries arrived in Loliondo.
-On 12th February a
one-sided “seminar” about Ngorongoro was held for the MPs who continued their
hateful and defamatory incitement against the Maasai.
-On the 13th the new
anti-Maasai organisation held a loathsome press conference.
-In NCA people didn’t sleep
and many spent the whole Sunday 13th praying.
Majaliwa in
Loliondo
The permanent secretaries to
ministries, led by the new TAMISEMI permanent secretary, informed local leaders
that they were touring many places around Tanzania to meet people, but it’s
believed that they were there to prevent mobilization before the PM’s visit.
On Valentine’s Day 2022, PM Majaliwa
arrived in Loliondo smiling and soft-spoken, laughingly saying that he didn’t
come with lorries to evict people, unlike what some people out there were
saying. This was a relief, since it broke the genocidal momentum that was
carried forward by some “journalists” and most MPs. I haven’t understood if Majaliwa
referred to those people, or as usual were blaming land right activists for the
unrest that, as always, is stirred up by investors, NCAA, their media, and most
of all the government, and this time the parliamentarians.
The PM’s talk was mostly so
general that it was difficult to know if he was talking about Loliondo, NCA, or
both, but he announced that he would later visit NCA and Sale, and referred to
his earlier Loliondo visits.
Even if it was an open-air
meeting, only those invited – councillors, village chairs, Maasai and Sonjo (who
don’t use the 1,500 km2) traditional leaders – were allowed. Other
members of the public, including NGOs, were not allowed anywhere near the fence
by the police – while such land threats as OBC, Thomson Safaris, and Frankfurt
Zoological Society were of course invited.
Despite the “friendly” tone,
the content of Majaliwa’s words was the same as RC Mongella’s threat on 11th
January. He praised the Maasai as stakeholders in conservation and talked about
how “participatory” everything should be, but his main point was the importance
of wildlife as a national resource through tourism revenue. The broader
interest of the nation again … He was pleased that nobody was saying “our land”,
since nobody in Tanzania, especially no tribe, own land, that all is owned by
the public and held in trust by the president. I don’t know if anyone dared to
tell him that there are land laws, or if that would be considered sedition. Don’t
mention the law to a lawless government. Though as late as a month ago, in the
statement following the RC’s threat, councillors, village chairs, and traditional
leaders all spoke up both about the law and the ongoing case in the East African
Court of Justice. Majaliwa described the MPs as advising the government, but I think that everyone present had seen at least some video clip of how this was done.
From what I’ve seen and
heard of those invited to the PM’s meeting, they were generally explaining how very
ready they were to work with the government, and with investors, even if those stir
things up and aren’t ready to cooperate, some added, if it was done in a “participatory”
manner and without evicting anyone. Quite sad and depressing. Though the very
new MP Emmanuel Oleshangay looked confident explaining that Loliondo Game
Controlled Area is 4,000 km2 and includes the DC’s office, the towns of
Loliondo and Wasso, the district council headquarters, health centres, teacher’s
collage, schools, and dispensaries. In the GCA outside the 1,500 km2 there are
also agricultural areas, and the area claimed by the horrible Thomson Safaris as
their private nature refuge, I’d add. Very little grazing land would be left if
the 1,500 km2 were turned into a protected area, and 73,000 people depend on it
for their livelihoods. Seeing this clip was a positive change from the past
years, even if an OBC vehicle in the background reminded of how difficult it is
to get criminals off the land.
Sometimes Loliondo people appear
not to remember anything at all, but it’s hardly possible that anyone could
have forgotten earlier visits by PM Majaliwa.
Otterlo Business Corporation
(OBC) that since the early 1990s has the hunting block (permit to hunt) in
Loliondo and organizes hunting for Sheikh Mohammed of Dubai has for years
lobbied to have their 1,500 km2 core hunting area turned into a
protected area. Around OBC (and the American Thomson Safaris) a local police
state has developed, in which basically every government official, and
particularly the security committee and always the consecutive DCs (currently
the DED has taken this place) openly, shamelessly, and with astonishing
lawlessness work for the investors, threatening, defaming and arresting anyone
suspected of being able to speak up. This has led to several illegal invasions
of village land with mass arson, multiple human rights crimes, fear, treason,
and almost complete silence these past years when repression has worsened in
the whole of Tanzania.
OBC have been lobbying to
convert the 1,500 km2, which is an important grazing area, and
legally registered village land, into a “protected area”. In 2009, under
Minister Mwangunga, this lobbying led to an illegal mass-arson operation on
village land, ordered by the DC’s office. Then OBC funded a draft District Land
Use Plan that proposed turning the 1,500 km2 into a protected area.
This plan was rejected by Ngorongoro District Council in 2011.
In 2013, Kagasheki, who by
this time was heading the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism, made
vociferous statements shamelessly lying that alienating the 1,500 km2
meant gifting land to the Maasai. At that time of not-again-seen unity and
seriousness in Loliondo, in which the Maasai managed to get support both from
the opposition CHADEMA and the ruling CCM party, Kagasheki’s threats were
finally stopped by PM Pinda.
Then, with Nyalandu at the
head of the Ministry, divide and rule, and partially successful efforts to buy
off local leaders worsened, which was followed by increased repression and
multiple lengthy illegal arrests and malicious prosecution in 2016.
Following the illegal arrests
in 2016, in the Jamhuri newspaper, the “journalist” Manyerere Jackton (who was
directly involved in these arrests) was calling for PM Majaliwa to return the
threat against Loliondo revoked by his predecessor Pinda in 2013. In November
2016, several newspapers were writing about a report by OBC themselves, on
alarming destruction caused by the Maasai, which had also affected hunting
activities, the quality of trophies, and their availability. OBC complained
that Wildlife Conservation Act 2009 could not be enforced due to a “loophole”,
and that basing hunting block fees on the whole 4,000 km2 LGCA wasn’t
“realistic”.
PM Majaliwa ordered on 15th
December 2016 then Arusha RC Mrisho Gambo to “solve the conflict” via talks
between villages and OBC and used the occasion to threaten the already silenced
NGOs.
Gambo set up a select committee
consisting of representatives of government organs, not least the various
parastatals within the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism, “investors”,
conservation organisations, NGOs, women and youths, and a few local political,
traditional and religious leaders - to “find a solution” to the conflict. A
deputy minister noted that Majaliwa was a very dangerous person indeed and the
Maasai’s “only ally” was the RC himself who was viciously attacked with fabrications
in the Jamhuri.
The much-weakened local
leaders included in Gambo’s committee reached the conclusion that the only
counter proposal that could work was the Wildlife Management Area (WMA) that
the Loliondo Maasai had successfully rejected for a decade and a half of
pressure by the Government and Frankfurt Zoological Society. A WMA will, while
nominally still village land, hand over much power to central government and
investors, and is, if operational, meant to set aside exclusive areas for
wildlife and tourism. On 21st January 2017, the RC declared that
there were two options: Game Controlled Area as in WCA 2009 (OBC’s proposal, which
is same as a Game Reserve) or WMA.
The Minister of Natural
Resources and Tourism at the time, Jumanne Maghembe, soon showed equal
commitment to OBC’s land use plan, as has been shown by Kagasheki in 2013.
Despite of the ongoing talks, on 25th January 2017, Maghembe made an
appearance in the 1,500 km2, and flanked by the “journalists”
Manyerere Jackton, and Masyaga Matinyi declared that the land had to be
alienated before the end of March of that year. The Ngorongoro councillors
issued a statement protesting Maghembe’s declaration, but the minister went on
meeting the press with the same misleading rhetoric as was Kagasheki and was of
course much praised in the Jamhuri. RC Gambo, however, declared that the work
by his committee would continue. People in the MNRT and its parastatals aggressively
supported OBC’s rejected old land use plan.
On 5th–7th
March 2017 the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Land, Natural Resources and
Tourism was brought to Loliondo by Maghembe on a most co-opted visit, avoiding
meeting local Maasai, while most every supporter of the land alienation plan in
the country was brought to lecture this committee. The one-sidedness was so
extreme that several members protested being used to rubber stamp handing over
the land to OBC. Maghembe and Serengeti Chief Park Warden William Mwakilema (currently
director of TANAPA) told the committee that funds from the German Development
Bank (KfW) for the Serengeti Ecosystem Development Programme to be implemented
by Serengeti National Park and FZS were subject to confirmation of the land use
plan alienating the 1,500 km2. Nothing was heard from the Germans
confirming or denying this until two years later when in was denied by KfW
representatives in an interview.
On 15th March 2017,
some 600 women held a manifestation in Wasso town. The RC with his committee
were in town to finalize their work and the women demanded a real solution to
the land conflict with placards against losing more land, against OBC, and
against the District Council accepting money from Germany, and after a decision
by the council, the chairman, Matthew Siloma, at least officially … refused to
sign accepting the German pieces of silver.
On 17th -19th
March 2017, the RC’s committee toured the area under threat from Ololosokwan
southwards all the way to Piyaya and Malambo to mark “critical areas”, and at
every place they were met with protests. Women were crying and screaming for
the government to abandon the plans to take the land, some car mirrors were
broken, and some protesters were detained by the police, the Regional Police
Commander was ordered to arrest anyone interfering with the process, and the RC
– the “only ally” - irrationally accused the protestors of being “bribed” by
NGOs (the NGOs were in his own committee ...) and otherwise using exactly the
same slander as the OBC-friendly press had used against him.
On 21st March 2017,
Gambo’s committee reached a proposal through voting – WMA was the preferable
alternative. The WMA proposal had been successfully rejected for a decade and a
half and was now presented as a victory by the fatally weakened local leaders. A
month later the committee’s final report was handed to PM Majaliwa who was to
decide.
Majaliwa didn’t announce his
decision until almost eight months after having been handed the proposal by
Gambo’s committee, and meanwhile the unthinkable happened. Nothing was supposed
to happen while everyone was waiting for Majaliwa’s decision, but on 13th
August 2017, Serengeti and Ngorongoro Conservation Area rangers, assisted by
OBC rangers, KDU/TAWA anti-poaching squads, local police, and others set fire
to five bomas in Oloosek, on village land and far from the national park. The
rangers said they had orders to remove livestock, housing and people from the
1,500 km2 that OBC, Minister Maghembe, and others wanted to alienate
from the villages. Leaders claimed to have been caught by surprise, and that
they had only heard about an operation to remove people and livestock from
Serengeti National Park. The DC was saying that the reason was that people and
cattle were entering the national park “too easily”.
MP Olenasha, on 14th
August in social media, said that he was deeply sorry, that he and other
leaders were only aware of an operation to remove livestock from the National
Park, had not been involved in anything else, that residing near the boundary
isn’t against the law, and that they were doing all they could to stop the
operation. Then the MP kept quiet in public for the rest of the operation,
while bomas in one area after the other were burned to the ground.
The illegal operation would go
on for over two months and hundreds of bomas were razed from Ololosokwan to
Piyaya 90 km further south – most intensely between 13th and 26th
August, but with scattered arson attacks well into October - there were
beatings, illegal seizing of cattle, and herders were illegally arrested. Village centres became
congested with people and animals. Those returning after the arson were
brutally beaten by the rangers who also destroyed makeshift shelters and
blocked access to water sources. Women were raped by the rangers. The last day
of the illegal operation some rangers shot 80 cows in Arash. There was terror
and panic everywhere, and painful disappointment with the inaction of some
leaders.
Soon appeared publicly a
letter from DC Rashid Mfaume Taka, dated 5th August 2017. In this letter the DC
orders the removal of livestock and housing from Serengeti National Park, and
“bordering areas”. The order did of course not have any legal ground at all. Another
letter, written on behalf of the Chief Park Warden of Serengeti National Park
Mwakilema (now director of TANAPA) to then DC Rashid Mfaume Taka on 4th
August, was also shared in social media, and revealed that the Ngorongoro
Security Committee, headed by the DC, on 23rd June 2017 ordered
Serengeti National Park to plan the operation to remove livestock from the park,
and “from the boundary”. The letter also informs the DC that funds for the
implementation have been obtained and that the TANAPA leadership had approved
the operation.
On 17th August
2017, the Ministry for Natural Resources and Tourism issued a press statement
explaining the “removal of cattle and housing from Serengeti National Park and
the boundary of Loliondo Game Controlled Area”. In the words of the DC, it’s
explained that the operation in Loliondo GCA would take place on a 90 km
stretch from north to south and with a width of 5 km – which means village land
and is a confession of crime.
In OBC-friendly press the DC
was quoted saying that the operation was not about removing people from the
1,500 km2, since PM Majaliwa had not yet made his decision about that issue.
Though the same article quoted Maghembe talking about the 1,500 km2 Loliondo “Game
Reserve”, as if OBC’s land use plan would have been approved. Maghembe also
said that NGOs were burning the bomas and in an article Manyerere Jackton
published in the Jamhuri, the DC who when believed to be of another kind than
his predecessors had been badly defamed by the "journalist", was now, after
having ordered the illegal operation, quoted as a someone just stating the
truth. The DC says – as is also shown by a map prepared by TANAPA for the
illegal operation - that 89 bomas had been burned inside Serengeti National
Park and 241 bomas or ronjos in the 5 km “border area” (village land). The DC
and the MNRT were saying that village land had been invaded because people were
entering the national park too easily, while Maghembe went on undisturbed for
30 minutes on Azam tv showing the map from the land use plan rejected in 2011,
pretending that it had been implemented and that the Maasai had invaded their
own land. He also repeated some of Manyerere Jackton’s slander of people, but
without remembering exactly which lies he was supposed to tell about each
person.
On 22nd August
2017, while Loliondo was burning, a smiling German ambassador was seen all over
media next to an equally smiling Minister Maghembe, while commenting on the
long and successful partnership between Germany and Tanzania in protecting the
Serengeti.
While the MP kept shockingly
silent many other local political leaders spoke up in protest quite early, like
the councillor and the chairman of Ololosokwan. Onesmo Olengurumwa of Tanzania
Human Rights Defenders Coalition sent out an urgent alert already the first day
of arson, and on 30th August, together with a delegation from
Loliondo, he submitted official complaints to the government organ Commission
for Human Rights and Good Governance (CHRAGG/THBUB). Various international
organisations sent letters to Magufuli.
On 4th September
2017, CHRAGG issued an interim order to stop the evictions and demanded that
the government explain the operation - but the crimes continued unabated
despite the order.
On 21st September
2017, the court case was finally filed in the East African Court of Justice by
the villages of Ololosokwan, Kirtalo, Oloirien and Arash against the Attorney
General of the United Republic of Tanzania.
On 5th October, the
senator of Narok County in Kenya, Ledama Olekina, took a delegation from
Ololosokwan to see the Kenyan opposition leader Raila Odinga and seek his
support defending their land, asking him to speak with President Magufuli.
Raila agreed to do so and is said to have reported back that his friend
Magufuli had told him that everyone involved in the operation would be fired.
The “only ally” RC Mrisho
Gambo never spoke up with one word against this massive horror. Neither was
anything heard from PM Majaliwa.
On 7th October 2017, Magufuli
announced a cabinet reshuffle which included the good news that Maghembe was
removed as Minister for Natural Resources and Tourism. The new minister was Hamisi
Kigwangalla. After a public meeting in Loliondo calling for Kigwangalla to come
and witness the truth, and several twists and turns and strange announcements by
the new minister, on 26th October 2017 there was a public meeting in
Wasso in which Kigwangalla put stop to the criminal “operation”. Though his
ultimate message was that the conflict was now on Majaliwa’s table. Kigwangalla
became an instant hero in Loliondo, and the following day, he declared that
OBC’s hunting block would not be renewed. It all seemed too good to be true,
and it was. Unsurprisingly, the frontpage of the 31st October issue
of the Jamhuri in big red letters proclaimed that Kigwangalla messed up,
pretending that he had stopped an operation in a protected area when what’s
stopped was an illegal attack on village land.
Later, after he had U-turned,
Kigwangalla would be mentioned in an appreciative way in the Jamhuri, but when
he wanted to remove another UAE hunting company, Green Mile Safari, from Lake
Natron GCA, he was again accused of various real or fabricated wrongdoings.
Kigwangalla returned to
Loliondo on a surprise visit and declared the Director of Wildlife fired on suspicions
that he would be following the directions of OBC. In a
The happiness was shortlived.
On 14th November 2017, Kigwangalla reported in social media that he had
met with development partners from Germany, and the Germans were going to fund
community development projects in Loliondo, “in our quest to save the
Serengeti”. Even some councillors seemed surprised by Kigwangalla’s news and
made phone calls that confirmed that the chairman had indeed signed the German
money - that 600 women had protested in March, and the District Council decided
not to sign. The chairman himself said he had not signed, but was going to very
soon, since it was such a wonderful project, and didn’t have anything to do
with the threat against the 1,500 km2.
Time passed and OBC didn’t
show any sign of packing. In social media OBC’s assistant director (now
councillor from 2020) told me his employer was there to stay and that I would
have a heart attack, while OBC’s PR officer informed me that, "OBC is
waiting for you to come and pack them off".
On 6th December
2017, Majaliwa finally delivered his long-awaited decision about the 1,500 km2,
and the decision was a big and terrifying disappointment. The PM hadn’t chosen
between a WMA or a GCA 2009 but decided “something else”. Many people had been
present, but nobody seemed to have understood very well, since Majaliwa first
had said many nice and promising words. The only thing that everyone had heard
clearly was that OBC would stay. A brief press statement the following day made
things somewhat, but not much, clearer. The PM had ordered the MNRT to prepare
a legal bill with the aim of forming a “special authority” to manage Loliondo
Game Controlled Area, to protect the ecosystem of Serengeti National Park,
while benefitting all sides, and this was to be rushed through to be included
in the 2018/2019 budget. Councillors and village chairs from Loliondo issued a
concerned, but not strong enough statement, while in the Jamhuri newspaper,
Manyerere Jackton celebrated Majaliwa’s decision.
Early on there were rumours
that the legal bill to form the “special authority” was needed, since the 1,500
km2 would be placed under the Ngorongoro Conservation Area where
hunting is otherwise not allowed.
Then, in 2018, OBC as had been
done before, made substantial vehicle gifts to the Ministry of Natural
Resources and Tourism.
A military camp was set up in
Loliondo in 2018, and fear worsened to the point that no local leaders dared to
speak up against an intimidation drive to derail the case in the East African
Court of Justice that had been filed during the 2017 operation. At the lowest
point ever, nobody even spoke up when the soldiers from the national army
started torturing people and in November and December 2018 razed bomas in
Kirtalo and Ololosokwan, without any kind of official order.
There was a small relief when OBC’s director Isaack Mollel was arrested in 2019, but the Loliondo police state wasn’t dealt with and hardly even Mollel’s personal economic crimes. Theories on why this happened mention Mollel’s clashes with Kigwangalla and Gambo, or that it could be a message to Kinana (who since the early 1990s had been close to OBC) that nobody is safe. After a prolonged stay in remand prison, he was released without any court ruling, allegedly after plea bargaining. While Mollel was still locked up, in September 2019 a genocidal plan for NCA was presented and it included proposals for surrounding areas, such as fulfilling what OBC had been lobbying for.
With the so-called elections in 2020, Salula
Ngorisiolo was killed at Oloirobi polling station when NCAA rangers and police open
fire at unarmed voters who were protesting election fraud, and OBC ended up
with at least three of their employees as councillors.
In 2021, the new DED Jumaa
Mhina started acting as a DC, pressuring the chairmen of the four villages with
a case in the East African Court of Justice to withdraw this case. The chairmen
are resisting, and the case continues.
Then, on 11th January
2022, Arusha RC Mongella reignited the threat against the 1,500 km2.
Mongella summoned village and ward leaders from villages with land in the 1,500
km2 to inform them that the government would make a painful decision
for the broader interest of the nation. The leaders refused to accompany the RC
for a tour of the 1,500 km2, or to sign the attendance list, which
could have been used to claim that they’d agreed to something. On 13th-14th
January there was a protest meeting and a statement in Oloirien. All leaders,
including those who’ve been fearfully silent for years, and even the traitors
who have been working for OBC and against the people, spoke up against the RC’s
threat and against OBC, while the popular protest was even clearer. Then
another stop order (there is already one) was applied for in the East Africa
Court of Justice.
PM Majaliwa arrived and see
above what happened (or a small part of it).
On 13th February –
the day after the genocidal hate feast in parliament - the anti-Maasai
organisation recently started by Habib Mchange of the Jamvi la Habari below-gutter
tabloid, and joined by the sports presenter, turned frontpage reviewer, Maulid
Kitenge, who shortly after having joined the hate campaign was in Ngorongoro on
a first time visit with his colleague Oscar Oscar in a NCAA vehicle. Some other
“journalists” have joined, but I don’t have the time to process all this now. Under
normal circumstances, I could write several blog posts about this press
conference.
Though noted was the presence
of Deusdatus Balile, editor of the Jamhuri and director of the Tanzania Editors
Forum. This was hardly a surprise. Balile repeated some of the old Jamhuri
lies, but this time without mentioning names (except for mine, but with a less
crazy story than usual) and for extra dehumanization he made up his own version
of colonial fantasies about Maasai burial practices, while claiming that there
aren’t any graves in Ngorongoro. Sadly, since most of my 5,000 Facebook friends
are Maasai from Ngorongoro there are Maasai graves in my newsfeed several times
a week, but that’s not the point, and I may write about this in the future.
Now I just want to remind of
that Balile’s colleague in the Jamhuri, Manyerere Jackton, in well over 50
articles has been spewing out unhinged hate rhetoric against the Maasai of
Loliondo, and campaigned for taking the 1,500 km2 away from them. He
has claimed that 70 percent of the Loliondo Maasai would not be Tanzanian, and
published lists of hundreds of private persons that his “sources” consider to
be “Kenyan”. He’s slandering of those speaking up for land rights, or those he
thinks could speak up for land rights, has been vicious and insane. As an
example, he has written that I get billions of money to destroy the Serengeti
ecosystem for the benefit of those who sent me. Besides this campaign, he’s
capable of writing any lie for no particular reason at all. Even worse is that I’ve experienced
first-hand how he likes to boast about being directly involved in arrests of
innocent people, since I’ve several times got rude and triumphant one-liner
emails when such a thing is about to happen, and he doesn’t hide it in the
articles either. Fortunately, Manyerere Jackton has been silent about Loliondo
since his supposed employer, OBC’s director Isaack Mollel, was locked up in
remand prison for economic sabotage in 2019, and after a long stay released,
allegedly following plea bargaining.
Though now he’s “writing about” (inciting against) the Maasai of NCA.
During all these years, almost nobody who hasn’t been personally targeted has
cared about the deeply unethical ways of this “journalist”.
I was first angry with the Darmpya
online news outlet for broadcasting the anti-Maasai press conference, but they
are asking questions, like how come the “allowances” for attending this press
conference were so extraordinary heavy (Tanzanian journalists are usually paid
for attending press conferences but this was out of the ordinary), who funded
it, and for what purpose?
There are so many people to
name and shame, and so many to thank (like ACT Wazalendo). Each one deserves
their own blog post, but tomorrow Majaliwa will come to Ngorongoro Conservation
Area and people are praying.
 |
| 15th February |
Susanna
Nordlund is a working-class person based in Sweden who since 2010 has been
blogging about Loliondo (now increasingly also about NCA) and has her fingerprints
thoroughly registered with Immigration so that she will not be able to enter
Tanzania through any border crossing, ever again. She has never worked for any
NGO or intelligence service and hasn’t earned a shilling from her Loliondo
work. She can be reached at sannasus@hotmail.com
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