Ngorongoro Pastoralists Attacked from all Sides – Fighting Back Here and There, and Hopefully Soon Everywhere

In this blog post:

Lake Natron

Ngorongoro ward

Ex-RC Gambo

Manongi in the press

Adjourned hearing in the East African Court of Justice

Things are apparently quiet on the ground in Loliondo where the 1,500 km2 Osero of important grazing land is wanted as a ”buffer zone” not least by OBC that organizes hunting for Sheikh Mohammed of Dubai and that has used this land as their core hunting area since 1993. The Maasai have been able to fight off OBC’s intense lobbying, and keep their land, even though there have been several illegal operations (ordered by representatives for the central government) with mass human rights crimes. Maybe even more dangerous is the local police state in which all government officials have participated in harassment, threats, and illegal arrests of those speaking up against “investors” that want to manage, or own, Maasai land, and which has worsened considerable the past years leading to almost complete silence. Though since late February 2019 OBC’s Tanzanian director finds himself in judicial vacuum in remand prison while being investigated for mostly unrelated crimes, and OBC are keeping a lower profile, while instead a basically genocidal zoning proposal for more than the whole of Ngorongoro district is being pushed by various ugly characters in and around the Ministry of Natural Resource and Tourism.

In September 2019, a Multiple Land Use Model report - prepared at the insistence of the UNESCO World Heritage Centre – and proudly presented by NCA chief conservator Manongi - proposed not only to annex the 1,500 km2 Osero in Loliondo to the Ngorongoro Conservation Area, that in itself would be an obvious disaster, but to do the same with extensive areas at Lake Natron GCA, and turn most of those areas into no-go zones for herders and livestock, together with most villages in Ngorongoro Conservation Area (NCA). In Ngorongoro Division/NCA most of the land will be lost, while the proposed “community development zone” into which people and livestock are supposed to be squeezed, is very dry and lacks proper water sources, saltlicks, and grazing. After some too timid protests, Minister Kigwangalla has allowed for more “participatory” ways of preparing the report, but after every supposed improvement the same genocidal proposal keeps being presented. In October 2019, a new report was finished, but it ended up being just the same. Kigwangalla’s latest promises were issued in April after a statement and then a visit by representatives from NCA, but instead the minister has spoken in favour of land alienation in Lake Natron.

 

The genocidal proposal

Lake Natron

I’ve lost count over how many times since I got acquainted with this part of the world, I’ve heard about plans for evicting the Maasai from areas around Lake Natron and often to annex these areas to NCA. This is usually announced in media as something necessary and imminent to protect the only breeding ground for lesser flamingos in East Africa, and tourists attractions like the active volcano Oldoinyo Lengai (its eruption in 2007 was used as another argument for eviction, under the cover of “safety”). The genocidal proposal in the MLUM report is – besides very extensive no-go zones in NCA and squeezing people and livestock into areas without water or grazing - to annex Lake Natron areas of Longido, Ngorongoro and Monduli districts to NCA. The areas in Monduli are the Engaruka archaeological irrigation site, Selala forest, Mount Kerimasi, and the Monduli side of Mount Lengai. In the MLUM report an important argument for annexing land in Lake Natron and Loliondo is that when the Klein’s-Mto wa Mbu road has been upgraded to tarmac tourists will chose that exit route where they will also find other tourist attractions, and that this will lead to a 25% loss of revenue to NCA, and another 25% loss through a “significant decline in wildlife”. The plan for annexation is to keep that revenue, and to add new sources.

On 11^th June, after the permanent secretary to the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism, Adolph Mkenda, and director of wildlife, Maurus Msuha, once again announced in media that there is to be a Game Reserve in the Lake Natron basin. A few days later,  the councillor of Engaresero, Ibrahim Olesakai, and village chairman, Yohana Meeli Laizer, in a meeting in Engaresero reminded President Magufuli of his statement from January 2019 against evicting rural people for conservation, that there already are land use plans, that they don’t have anywhere else to go, have lived in the area for a very long time after being evicted from other areas, and asked him to reject the game reserve plan.

Protest meeting in Engaresero.

Mkenda’s response was to say that he hadn’t declared any game reserve, since only the president can do that, and that the ministry had a map which showed areas for Game Reserve and for Wildlife Management Area (WMA), but that it was to be used in participatory talks. The Ngorongoro DC and the even the district council chairman confirmed what Mkenda was saying.

Then on 26^th June, Minister Kigwangalla threw barrels of fuel on the flames of fear, when he after a meeting with district leaders from Longido, traditional leaders, and Arusha Region declared in social media to have embarked on a most important trip to ensure the sustainable conservation of Lake Natron. Kigwangalla’s message was that Lake Natron Game Controlled Area (all of it village land) was to be divided into a Game Reserve and a WMA, and that he had received technical advice about how to implement this. The decision to establish a Game Reserve was based on a cabinet decision following the recommendation of the committee of ministers sent by the president to address land use disputes. A committee was set up to do “ground truthing” and advice the government about the conflict resulting from the change of land use, and this committee reportedly consists of experts from the ministry, members from the Arusha RC’s office, the DCs of Longido, Ngorongoro and Monduli, and representatives from the concerned villages.

Kigwangalla, probably the most ignorant person in the room, in his usual way lectured the attendants representing people from Longido, explaining that “conservation” (mass evictions and the destruction of pastoralism) isn’t for wildlife, but for ourselves so that we don’t end up without rain and with floods … This is the kind of talk that’s been used for over a century by those who want to alienate pastoralist land and end pastoralism. This made some wonder (in social media) if people in Kigwangalla’s home district Nzega - where hardly one hare can be seen - don’t want rain as well. Kigwangalla talked about a WMA as some wish that would be granted to local people, but a WMA is a loss of land use as well, even if the land nominally stays as village land. The Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism, and others, are quite open with that the plan is to end pastoralism.

A thought that’s often expressed, in this case in English: “Maa community: we are facing land alienation because of our respect and honour of our wildlife and environmental conservation. Let’s say enough is enough.” (from Facebook).

Kigwangalla in Longido

Still, many people keep thinking that any other minister of natural resources and tourism would be worse than Kigwangalla, and still many remember that in early November2017, for a few days, he seemed like a nice person. The comment on his performance in Longido is then, “I don’t know what to say” …

I do hope that a court injunction is being sought. Anything else would be dangerous negligence.

Ngorongoro ward

On 1^st July, a statement addressed to President Magufuli from the traditional leaders of Ngorongoro ward - the villages of Mokilal, Kayapus and Oloirobi - in Ngorongoro district (and Ngorongoro Conservation Area) was read by Njamama Medukenya and Sembeta Ngoidiko on Global tv. These leaders want the president to hear their longstanding cry about their land that keep being stolen for conservation and tourism, and ask him to stop the current proposal, while reminding of that since they were evicted from Serengeti in 1959, there have been multiple violations of the Ngorongoro Conservation Area Ordinance, which already has led to the loss of many grazing areas, and to current harassment by rangers, not least against women collecting firewood. They added that they were friends of both wildlife and tourism, showed the terrifying map of the proposal, and asked the president to come to Ngorongoro to listen to their plight. Munde Saitoti from Kayapus, who was born in Ngorongoro crater and was among those evicted in 1975, complained about the lack of food and firewood, and of the bad quality salt that’s provided for livestock after access to saltlicks in the crater was lost in 2017 (following a visit by PM Majaliwa in December 2016), and which is making them sick.

When the Maasai were evicted from Serengeti in 1959 by the colonial government, as a compromise deal they were guaranteed the right to continue occupying Ngorongoro Conservation Area as a multiple land-use area administered by the government, in which natural resources would be conserved primarily for their interest, but with due regard for wildlife. This promise was not kept, and tourism revenue has turned into the paramount interest, while the human rights situation has deteriorated, which was worsened by the designation as a UNESCO World Heritage Site. In 1975 (the Ordinance was changed in 1974), the Maasai living inside Ngorongoro Crater were violently evicted, and the same year cultivation was prohibited in NCA. This cultivation ban was lifted in 1992, but re-introduced in 2009 after threats from the UNESCO. The people of NCA are living under the colonial-style rule of the Ngorongoro Conservation Area Authority (NCAA), are not allowed to grow crops or build modern houses, have the past years been losing access to one grazing area after the other – not least losing grazing and saltlicks in Ngorongoro crater in 2017,  which Manongi stretched to include the Northern Highland Forest, Embakaai and Olmoti craters as well as the Lake Ndutu basin (through order and without a change to the Ordinance, and without the MP speaking up) -  and are suffering from high levels of child malnutrition. They have regularly through the years been shaken by rumours and threats of eviction.

Court injunctions must of course be sought. In April there was some action by the Pastoral Council, traditional leaders, and village and ward leaders from NCA, but apparently it just led to more empty promises by Kigwangalla. I suppose many people are working hard for action and loud statements on behalf of all areas under threat, but if there were any normality at all, the MP would have been screaming like a banshee since 2016 ….

Ex-RC Gambo

On 19^th June President Magufuli revoked the appointment of Arusha Regional Commissioner Mrisho Gambo. This has been met with mixed feelings, since Gambo – while otherwise being yet another example of a Tanzanian leader behaving very badly indeed - has at times been most helpful to the land rights struggle in Loliondo. In 2016-2017 when weakened local leaders were negotiating with the government officials, conservation top shots in and around the Ministry for Natural Resources and Tourism, and “investors” who all wanted to alienate the 1,500 km2 Osero, Gambo was described as “our only ally”. Though, on the other hand, when there were spontaneous protests against the WMA compromise proposal, Gambo threatened the protestors using the same rhetoric as the enemies of land rights use, and during the 2017 illegal invasion of village land with mass arson, beatings, seizing of cattle, rape, blocking of water sources, and illegal arrests, Gambo didn’t say one word. When soldiers in 2018 attacked wide areas, even razing bomas, around OBC’s camp that was being prepared for guests, and not one single leader dared to speak up since they thought the crime was ordered by the president, Gambo finally made a some kind statement against the attacks, even if in a very vague way, not even mentioning the soldiers, and two months late. Though some argue that he as chairman of the regional security committee could have done more than making a vague and late statement.

Gambo is credited with having managed to have OBC’s director locked up in remand prison for well over a year while being investigated for corruption, which actually a serious denial of justice, since Mollel – and all his accomplices – should answer for their crimes in a court of law. Every Ngorongoro DC, and apparently every single government official in Loliondo, have been dedicated to committing any crime to keep up the terror against anyone who dares to speak up against “investors” that want to manage pastoralist land (not only OBC, but also the American Thomson Safaris), and all of them are still walking free. OBC are still in Loliondo, even if keeping a low profile, and some say that Gambo only had a problem with the director, not with the company as such, or with Sheikh Mohammed. Though in NCA Gambo was completely in the pocket of chief conservator Manongi. One of his actions was to prohibit subsidized food that had been started by PM Pinda in 2013. Gambo also participated in the ridiculous/dangerous authoritarianism that has always existed in Tanzania, but that has worsened considerably under the current government, like when threatening people with arrests for having shared videos of poor roads in Ngorongoro, labelling it as “economic sabotage”. Still, in Loliondo many people are grateful.

The reason that the president gave for sacking the RC, and at the same time the Arusha DC, Gabriel Daqaaro (and the DED was sacked as well) was that they were quarrelsome and that their squabbles had delayed projects. The new RC is Idd Kimanta about whom I don’t know much. Gambo has announced his candidacy for MP for Arusha Urban.

Gambo picking up the form to contest for the Arusha Urban MP seat

In its 30 June – 6 July issue, the Jamhuri newspaper ran an article about how the Prevention and Combatting of Corruption Bureau (PCCB/TAKUKURU) was interrogating Gambo about having bribed CCM members in Arusha to support his MP candidacy. The same day, PCCB issued a statement saying that it was all a lie and that they were not interrogating Gambo. I have no idea what the truth about the matter is. What I do know is that the Jamhuri has published over 50 articles by Manyerere Jackton in which he viciously incites against the Maasai in Loliondo, writes bizarre slander of anyone he suspects of being able to speak up against OBC and the Osero grabbing plan, writes shameless and detailed fabrications, and praises OBC, and that this “journalist” boasts about being directly involved in arrests of innocent people.

On 10^th July Manyerere Jackton announced that he’s contesting for the Butiama MP seat. His wildly unethical behaviour is well-documented, but I don’t know how to reach people in Butiama with the information, and I’m very unsure about how many would care. After a decade of blogging, my conclusion is that very few people care.

Manyerere Jackton announcing his candidacy

Manongi in the press

Around 7^th July NCA chief conservator Manongi appeared in the press with a novel presentation of the genocidal proposal arguing that it’s about reviewing stringent laws that are outdated and derail people’s development … That’s how he presents alienating 82% of pastoralist land in NCA and leaving a tiny sliver of land without much grazing, water or saltlicks for a “human development zone”. It would be helpful if journalists instead of reporting “he says, she says” take a little look at what the actual proposal is.

Hearing in the East African Court of Justice

Reference No.10 of 2017 Ololosokwan Village Council & 3 Others (Kirtalo, Oloirien and Arash) vs the Attorney General of the United Republic Tanzania:

On 10^th July there was a hearing for further cross examination via video conference, and it was live-streamed on the court’s website, but was quickly adjourned, since the respondent’s counsel complained that they had not been served the affidavit with annextures from the applicants’ geo-spatial expert witness until the 9^th, the day before the hearing, and therefore wanted the court to disregard this evidence. The applicants’ counsel, Donald Deya, cited COVID-19 which had delayed the processing of data from the expert's field trip, and pleaded that, in the interests of justice, the evidence should be allowed. The court ruled that it will adjourn the matter to allow the respondent's counsel time to go through the evidence and prepare for cross-examination.

The terror exercised by defendants is of course worse than any virus. It’s the reason that there’ a case in the first place, apparently the reason that the first expert witness couldn’t continue with the case, and in May/June 2018 the defendants used local police in an effort to intimidate everyone and derail the case.

Fortunately, on 25^th September 2018 the court ruled on Application 15 of 2017 seeking interim orders and issued the following orders:

a) That the Respondent and any persons or offices acting on his behalf, cease and desist from evicting the Applicants’ residents from the disputed land, being the land comprised in the 1500 sq. Km of land bordering the Serengeti National Park; destroying their homesteads or confiscating their livestock on that land, until the determination of Reference No. 10 of 2017;

b) That the Office of the Inspector General of Police restrains from harassing or intimidating the Applicants in relation to Reference No. 10 of 2017 pending the determination thereof.

Though sadly these orders were brutally violated in November and December 2018 when soldiers from the Tanzania People’s Defence Force (JWTZ), around 8^th November, started beating and chasing away herders and livestock from areas around OBC’s camp that was being prepared for guests. Between 14^th and 19^th November, they burned down bomas in several areas of Kirtalo and Ololosokwan. The soldiers also seized cattle on village land and tried to hand them over to Serengeti rangers. Then on 19^th and 20^th December 2018, they attacked any person they came across and who wasn’t fast enough in Kirtalo and Ololoskwan. Old men, a boy herding cattle, and a pregnant woman were severely beaten. They also tried to seize cattle again. Then, on 21st December 2018, the soldiers burned 12 or 13 bomas in the Leken area of Kirtalo. It was sad, and simply infuriating, to experience the silence by exactly all leaders, of all kinds, about these crimes that they thought were ordered by the president. Though in mid-January 2019, now ex-RC Gambo spoke up, even if in a strangely vague manner, and after that the “explanation” was that OBC’s director Mollel had directly contracted the soldiers … Before the RC’s vague statement in January DC Rashid Mfaume Taka again ordered some illegal arrests for the sake of intimidation, which also was a violation of the interim orders.

This court exercise with geo-spatial experts seems like a somewhat irrelevant side-issue when - as I’ve written several times before and with more detail - the defendants themselves have so thoroughly documented their own crimes in the letter by DC Rashid Mfaume Taka officially ordering the illegal invasion of village land that begun on 13^th August 2017, on TANAPA’s map, used during the operation, and that so clearly shows that a majority of bomas were on village land, in the press statement by the Ministry of Natural Resources of Tourism on 17^th August 2017, in the press, and even in their first response to being sued, in which they pretended that the 1,500 km2 would have been some kind of “wildlife conservation area” or “game reserve”. Only later did they come up with the lie that the operation would only have taken place in Serengeti National Park

Now

Yesterday evening the Tanzanian tv station ITV showed a 30-minute special report about Ngorongoro and the genocidal proposal. I’ve been told that it wasn’t bad at all, and hope that it will soon be available online.

It’s time for those critical of the current MPs silence, to speak up not only against the genocidal plan, but against losing one more square inch, and for reclaiming land that has been lost the past years, and earlier.

Susanna Nordlund

sannasus@hotmail.com