In this blog post:
The
PM’s vague and terrifying decision.
Whose
land is it?
Press
meeting
Kigwangalla’s
promise down the drain
The
PM “solving the conflict”
Background
summary
There’s confusion and fear in Loliondo.
Nobody seems to know exactly what’s going on, but I’ve tried to write a blog post
about what’s known.
The PM’s vague
and terrifying decision.
In
the afternoon of 6th December, PM Majaliwa finally delivered his
long awaited, and much feared, decision about the 1,500 km2 of important
grazing land that Otterlo Business Corporation (OBC), that organises hunting
for Sheikh Mohammed of Dubai, have spent years lobbying to have alienated for a
“protected area”. The PM was to decide between a Game Controlled Area 2009,
which would be a catastrophic land alienation leading to destruction of lives
and livelihoods, environmental degradation and conflict with neighbours, or the
compromise proposal reached by the RC’s select committee, consisting of a
Wildlife Management Area, which the Loliondo Maasai had rejected for a decade
and a half of pressure, since it means setting aside land for “investors”,
while handing away much power over the land to the director of wildlife, the
said investors, and others.
First reports in the evening were that the PM
would have announced some very worrying “special WMA”, and it didn’t seem like
even those who were present at the meeting in Dodoma had understood, or wanted
to understand, what the PM had said. Some said it was about an expansion of
Ngorongoro Conservation Area where the Maasai live under the colonial style
rule of the Ngorongoro Conservation Area Authority. A couple of very similar (copies
of a brief press statement) newspaper articles the following day made things
somewhat, but not much, clearer. The PM had ordered the Ministry of Natural
Resources and Tourism to prepare a legal bill with the aim of forming a special
authority to manage the 1,500 km2, even if all reports just mention “Loliondo
GCA” which would be the whole 4,000 km2, to protect the ecosystem of Serengeti
National Park, wildlife paths, breeding grounds and water sources, while
benefitting all sides. The MP said it would be ensured that the interest of
local people, their customs, traditions, and land use are considered in the legal
bill that is to be rushed through so that a final draft is ready for
February/March 2018, to be included in the 2018/2019 budget. A team of specialists,
after going through various options, recommended this “special authority” for
the broad interests of all sides, and with the aim of bringing peace and
sustainable conservation to Loliondo. To some people, me included, this sounds
like an all-out land grab, taking away the land from the villages to give it to
a “special authority” prepared by the Ministry of Natural Resources and
Tourism. Some of those who were at the meeting interpreted the PM’s – possibly
intentionally - cryptic words as if the 1,500 km2 would be for “wildlife only” or very restricted grazing, the most feared outcome of all, and all clearly
heard that Majaliwa said that OBC – contrary to the promises by Minister
Kigwangalla - will stay even if the executive director (who apparently now has
been fired) would be “investigated for corruption”.
Whose land is it?
The
1,500 km2 of important dry season grazing land undoubtedly belongs to the
Maasai of Loliondo who, it should be remembered, already lost considerable land
with the creation of Serengeti National Park, and whose relative compatibility
with wildlife makes their land just too valuable to be left in peace by
“investors”, the government that favours those above the Tanzanian landowners,
and by some international organisations.
The
Village Land Act No.5 of 1999 provides for the management and control of
village land, and the main purpose of this act is to recognize and secure
customary land rights, and not least protecting rural people from unscrupulous
dealers.
All
land in Loliondo is village land per section 7(1) of the Village Land Act No. 5
of 1999 since it fulfils the following definitions - one definition being
sufficient to qualify as village land.
-Land
within the boundaries of villages registered according to the Local Government
(District
Authorities) Act, 1982.
-Land
demarcated as village land under any administrative procedure or in accord with
any statutory or customary law.
-General
land that villagers have been using for the twelve years preceding the
enactment of the Village Land Act, 1999. This includes land customarily used
for grazing cattle or
passage
of cattle (definitions by TNRF in 2011).
Per
the African Charter for Human and People’s Rights, the Loliondo Maasai have a
right to free prior informed consent.
Press meeting
On
8th December ward councillors and village chairmen from Loliondo and
Sale (Malambo ward) held a press conference. The statement read by the council
chairman Mathew Siloma, was timid considering the circumstances. Several of
those involved have expressed their deep unhappiness and fear caused by the
PM’s decision. “Believe me, we are in for the worst”, is what I’m being told, but
the statement, especially as it was reported by most news outlets, for some
reason seemed to focus much on thanking the PM! Maybe it’s seen as the best
strategy to make the most positive interpretation possible due to the vagueness
of the decision. The only explanation I get is that people are “confused”. After
a more complete article in the Mwanahalisi, and then finally getting hold of
the full statement, it makes more sense. It starts with a brief, but correct
description of the problem, and a strange appreciation of the RC’s select
committee as “participatory”. Then the local leaders express that they are
pleased (my non-expert translation):
- that the government acknowledge that the land that has been intruded into by the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism, and where people have been beaten, is the land of legally registered villages, recognized by the law.
- that the commission admitted that the operation in August violated the law, that there wasn’t a formal government order, and thus it had no legitimacy.
- that the PM has recognised that the citizens of Loliondo are traditional conservationists and there isn’t any conflict between them and conservation.
- that solving a conflict of interests like this one is done by means of strong involvement by stakeholders, and making a joint plan that will consider the interests of each stakeholder.
- that the government will ensure the participation of wananchi (citizens/grassroots/people, I don’t know what’s the best translation) at the highest levels in the advancement of the organ that’s to administrate the areas of village land with conflict.
- any decision made doesn’t affect the legitimate ownership of village land, and land use by local people will continue and be protected by land laws and village land use plans.
- village land use plans, surveying and certification take place as a first step, before any other process.
- people are fully involved in determining the boundary between the villages and Serengeti National Park, and beacons put up in a participatory way, agreed by both sides.
- when setting up any system of land management and legislative development it starts with local people at village level and not with the government introducing a system that people don’t understand and don’t see as a solution for bringing peace to this area.
- the discussion period is extended from the two months wanted by the PM to two years, to facilitate community participation.
- investors are put under community control so that the community can benefit from tourism resources.
- the whole program is initiated at village level, not by specialists from the concerned ministries.
- a written version of the PM’s speech is made available to avoid different interpretations that can be used by specialists.
- legal measures are taken against everyone involved in human rights violations, including the former Minister of Natural Resources and Tourism, Jumanne Maghembe, who ordered the burning of bomas on village land, hurting people, and dragging the government into unnecessary conflict, soiling its image.
- the government looks at the possibility of compensation for those affected by serious violations of their rights, including loss of property.
Kigwangalla’s promise down the drain
As
now seems to be known by some people all over the world, even those who
apparently haven’t heard a word about the recent extreme abuse inflicted on the
Loliondo Maasai, the current Minister for Natural Resources and Tourism, Hamisi
Kigwangalla, clearly announced that Otterlo Business Corporation that’s held
the hunting blocks in Loliondo since 1992, would not have their permit renewed
and would be gone before January 2018.
After
arriving in Loliondo, with the task of ending the illegal operation, and then seeing
the more than obvious “syndicate” at the service of OBC that for so many years
has worked for divide and rule, and incited conflict, it was hardly difficult for
Kigwangalla, or anyone, to see that this “investor” had to leave. It must even
have looked like a road to easily obtained popularity. Kigwangalla was,
however, naïve about how many, and how powerful, people are benefiting from
being at the service of the hunters from Dubai.
OBC
never showed any signs of leaving. When asked – before the PM’s speech – the
assistant director told me his employer wasn’t going anywhere and that I’d have
a heart attack, while the public relations officer said, "OBC is waiting for you to come and pack them off".
Though now people are saying that at least the executive director, Isaack
Mollel, has been fired.
Update: Mollel was never fired.
Update: Mollel was never fired.
The PM “solving the conflict”
Majaliwa’s
work to “solve the conflict” started a year ago, while the partly successful
operation to intimidate into silence everyone who could ever speak up for land
rights in Loliondo was still ongoing – after multiple illegal arrests, a
bizarre case of malicious prosecution for “espionage and sabotage” was still in
the court against four people - and OBC had sent to the press their “report”
urging the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism to solve their problems
with the destructive Maasai. Then the PM tasked the Arusha RC Gambo with “solving
the conflict” via talks between the villages and OBC. Gambo set up a select
committee consisting of representatives of government organs, not least the
various parastatals within the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism,
“investors”, conservation organisations, NGOs, women and youths, and local
political, traditional and religious leaders - to “find a solution”. This was a
select committee of “stakeholders” representatives – some extremely hostile -
and not a participatory committee of the Maasai rightsholders. However, those
in the committee that could be seen as community representatives came to view
the RC as their only ally. Loliondo was in the middle of a severe drought, and committee
members like he director of TANAPA, the regional security officer, and the
Director of Wildlife aggressively supported the GCA 2009 land alienation that
OBC had spent years lobbying for. Minister Maghembe showed up in Loliondo
together with the journalist, Manyerere Jackton who has written some 50
articles full of hate rhetoric against the Loliondo Maasai, and vicious
defamation of individuals he suspects of being against the land grab idea - and the
minister declared that the 1,500 km2 osero had to be alienated as a protected
area before the end of March. Then Maghembe brought the Standing Parliamentary
Committee on Land and Natural Resources on a totally co-opted Loliondo trip,
and this committee was told by the Serengeti Chief Game Warden Mwakilema that funds from Germany’s Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ)
through the state owned German Development Bank (KfW), for a Serengeti Ecosystem
Development and Conservation Project implemented by TANAPA and Frankfurt
Zoological Society (FZS), were subject to the approval of the land use plan
that would alienate the 1,500 km2 of important grazing land next to Serengeti
National park. 600 women protested both against OBC and against the German money that
(as was said at the time …) wasn’t signed by the district chairman (now it
seems like he did it secretly anyway!).
As
an example of how “participatory” the RC’s committee was, it was met with,
sometimes violent, protest everywhere it went to inspect “critical areas”. Finally,
on 21st March the RC’s committee reached through voting the
compromise proposal of a WMA, which was by then seen as a victory… The proposal
was presented to Majaliwa on 20 April, but the report has still not been made
public.
While
waiting to hear from Majaliwa, on 13th August village land was
invaded by Serengeti and NCA rangers assisted by local police and OBC and KDU (anti-poaching)
rangers, and the illegal operation went on for two months. At least 250 bomas
were burned from Ololosokwan to Piyaya 90 km further south. People who returned
to the area were badly beaten, some were arrested and taken to Mugumu, the
rangers illegally seized cattle, and blocked access to water sources – and
raped women. The illegal operation continued even after an interim stop order
by the government organ Commission for Human Rights and Good Governance. Some
Loliondo leaders, council chairman and MP included, were shockingly silent.
After
the removal of Maghembe and stopping of the illegal operation, the new
minister, Kigwangalla, ordered the firing of the director of wildlife, and
promised that OBC’s hunting block would not be renewed, and that they would
have to leave before January 2018, but the decision about the land was in the
hands of the PM.
Now the "special authority" must be stopped.
Background summary
All
land in Loliondo is village land per Village Land Act No.5 of 1999, and more
than the whole of Loliondo is also a Game Controlled Area (of the old kind that
doesn’t affect human activities and can overlap with village land) where OBC
has the hunting block. Stan Katabalo – maybe Tanzania’s last investigative
journalist - reported about how this hunting block was acquired in the early
90s.
In
2007-2008 the affected villages were threatened into signing a Memorandum of
Understanding with OBC.
In
the drought year 2009 the Field Force Unit and OBC extrajudicially evicted
people and cattle from some 1,500 km2 of dry season grazing land that serve as
the core hunting area next to Serengeti National Park. Hundreds of houses were
burned, and thousands of cattle were chased into an extreme drought area which
did not have enough food or water to sustain them. 7-year old Nashipai Gume was
lost in the chaos and has not been found, ever since.
People
eventually moved back, and some leaders started participating in reconciliation
ceremonies with OBC.
Soon
enough, in 2010-2011, OBC totally funded a draft district land use plan that
proposed turning the 1,500 km2 into the new kind of Game Controlled Area that’s
a “protected” (not from hunting) area and can’t overlap with village land. This
plan, that would have allowed a more “legal” repeat of 2009, was strongly
rejected by Ngorongoro District Council.
In
2013, then Minister for Natural Resources and Tourism, Khamis Kagasheki, made
bizarre statements as if all village land in Loliondo would have disappeared
through magic, and the people of Loliondo would be generously “gifted” with the
land outside the 1,500 km2. This was nothing but a horribly twisted way of
again trying to evict the Maasai landowners from OBC’s core hunting area.
There’s of course no way a Minister for Natural Resources and Tourism would
have the mandate for such a trick of magic. After many mass meetings – where
there was agreement to never again enter any MoU with OBC - and protest
delegations to Dar es Salaam and Dodoma, the then Prime Minister Mizengo Pinda
in a speech on 23rd September the same year revoked Kagasheki’s
threat and told the Maasai to continue their lives as before this threat that
through the loss of dry season grazing land would have led to the destruction
of livelihoods, environmental degradation and increased conflict with
neighbours.
Parts
of the press – foremost Manyerere Jackton in the Jamhuri – increased their
incitement against the Maasai of Loliondo as destructive, “Kenyan” and governed
by corrupt NGOs. OBC’s “friends” in Loliondo became more active in the
harassment of those speaking up against the “investors”, even though they
themselves don’t want the GCA 2009, and rely on others, the same people they
persecute, to stop it…
Speaking
up against OBC (and against Thomson Safaris, the American tour operator
claiming ownership of 12,617 acres, and that shares the same friends as OBC)
had always been risky, but the witch-hunt intensified with mass arrests in July
2016. Four people were charged with a truly demented “espionage and sabotage”
case. Manyerere Jackton has openly boasted about his direct involvement in the
illegal arrests of innocent people for the sake of intimidation.
In
July 2016, Manyeree Jackton wrote an “article” calling for PM Majaliwa to
return the Kagasheki-style threat. In November 2016 OBC sent out a “report” to
the press calling for the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism to intervene
against the destructive Maasai. In mid-December 2016, the Arusha RC Mrisho
Gambo was tasked by the PM with setting up a committee to “solve the conflict”,
and on 25th January 2017 the Minister for Natural Resources and Tourism, in the
middle of the drought stricken Osero, flanked by the most OBC-devoted
journalists, and ignoring the ongoing talks, made a declaration that the land
had to be taken before the end of March. In March 2017 Minister Maghembe
co-opted a Parliamentary Standing Committee, and then Loliondo leaders’ “only
ally’s”, RC Gambo’s, committee started marking “critical areas” while being met
with protests in every village. German development money that the standing
committee had been told was subject to the alienation of the 1,500 km2 was –
after protests by 600 women – not signed by the district chairman. On 21st
March a compromise proposal for a WMA (that had been rejected in Loliondo for a
decade and a half) was reached through voting by the RC’s committee, then
handed over to PM Majaliwa on 20th April, and a long wait to hear the
PM’s decision started.
While
still waiting, on 13th August 2017 a very unexpected illegal eviction and arson
operation was initiated in the Oloosek area of Ololosokwan and then continued
all the way to Piyaya. Beatings, arrests of the victims, illegal seizing of
cows, and blocking of water sources followed. Women were raped by the rangers.
Many leaders stayed strangely and disappointingly silent.
The
DC and the Ministry of Natural Resources explained the operation with that
people and cattle were entering Serengeti National Park too easily, while
minster Maghembe lied that the land was already the “protected area” wanted by
OBC and others.
There
was an interim stop order by the government organ Commission for Human Rights
and Good Governance (CHRAGG), but the crimes continued unabated.
A
case was filed by four villages in the East African Court of Justice on 21st
September.
When
in Arusha on 23rd September, President Magufuli collected protest
placards against Maghembe, OBC and abuse, to read them later.
On
5th October the Kenyan opposition leader, Raila Odinga, told
supporters that his friend Magufuli had promised him that all involved in the
illegal operation in Loliondo would be fired.
In
a cabinet reshuffle on 7th October Maghembe was removed and Hamisi
Kigwangalla appointed as new minister of Natural Resources and Tourism.
Kigwangalla
stopped the operation on 26th October, and then made it clear that
OBC’s hunting block would not be renewed, which he had already mentioned in
Dodoma on the 22nd. On 5th November, he fired the
director of wildlife and announced that OBC’s managing director would be
investigated for corruption. It’s unclear how much of this, if anything, is
taking place.
Kigwangalla
announced in social media that he on 13th November received a
delegation headed by the German ambassador and that the Germans are going to
fund community development projects in Loliondo, “in our quest to save the
Serengeti”. Alarm was raised in Loliondo that the district chairman would have
signed secretly, which some already had suspected.
On
6th December, PM Majaliwa announced a vague, but terrifying decision
to form a special authority to manage the 1,500 km2 osero.
The
celebratory mode of the anti-Loliondo “journalist” Manyerere Jackton in today’s
(12 December) Jamhuri newspaper gives a clue to who the PM has pleased.
Susanna
Nordlund
No comments:
Post a Comment