Wednesday 1 November 2017

Loliondo Back to Waiting for Majaliwa, but there’s a Chance to Get Rid of OBC


The crime
The confessions of crime
Leading up to the crime
The big inciter
Complicity in crime
OBC are not alone
The victims’ ally?
Failure to act against the crime
Ordering the crime
Why was Maghembe fired?
Between hope and despair
Shooting cows
26th October
Sensational news
Visit by the new deputy minister for livestock
Unknown

The new Minister for Natural Resources and Tourism, Hamisi Kigwangalla, on 26th October in a public meeting in Wasso stopped the illegal operation by rangers that have committed arson, brutal physical assault and illegal seizing of cattle on village land. I don’t understand why this operation started on 13th August, and I don’t understand exactly why it was stopped. On 27th October in Ololosokwan, Kigwangalla said that OBC’s hunting block won’t be renewed, which is sensational news indeed if implemented.

Updates at the end.

The crime
Very unexpectedly from 13th to 26th August some 250 bomas (241 according to the perpetrators, and then there was more arson on 25th September) were burned to the ground by rangers from Serengeti National Park and Ngorongoro Conservation Area assisted by local Loliondo police – and others, namely OBC and KDU (anti-poaching, close to OBC) rangers - and thousands of people were left without food or shelter. Cows were dispersed during this extreme drought, and there was terror and panic everywhere. The arson started in the Oloosek area of Ololosokwan village where a Serengeti ranger had shot the herder Parmoson Ololoso in both legs and one arm on 8th August, and then it continued all the way to Piyaya 90 km further south. Village centres became congested with people and animals, and they were blocked from accessing water sources. Those returning after the illegal evictions were brutally beaten by the rangers and some arrested and sent to Mugumu at the other side of Serengeti National Park. Cattle were seized, and big fines demanded. All this did not happen in any protected area, but on village land that per Village Land Act No.5 of 1999 should be managed by the local villages.

The confessions of crime
A press statement from the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism, quoting the DC, didn’t deny the crime but presented illegal evictions and arson on village land as something legitimate to protect the environment and the tourism business. The now ex-minister Maghembe, on the other hand started lying that the land under attack would already be the 1,500 km2 protected area that the investor, OBC - that uses it as a core hunting area, and organises hunting for Sheikh Mohammed of Dubai - has been lobbying for.

Leading up to the crime
The timing of the criminal operation was unexpected since, at a most threatening time when many activists had been intimidated into silence, OBC presented a report about the Maasai threat to the environment and PM Majaliwa tasked Arusha RC Gambo with “solving the conflict”. The RC set up a select committee that on 20th April handed a compromise proposal to Majaliwa, and when the arson started everyone was still waiting for the PM’s decision.

The big inciter
OBC, before presenting to the press their report asking the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism to take action against the Maasai in November 2016, and then presenting it to the RC’s committee in January this year, have earlier been working in many other ways, both openly and otherwise. In 2009 together with the paramilitary Field Force Unit, OBC’s rangers committed the same kind of human rights abuse that has recently been committed in Loliondo with mass arson and other violence during a bad drought. That time a 7-year old girl, Nashipai Gume, was lost in the chaos and has never been found, ever since.

After this atrocity, the hunters “reconciled” with some leaders in Loliondo, weren’t going to disturb grazing again, and built village offices. Though, in November 2009 OBC's general manager, Isaack Mollel, boasted to the press that OBC had given the Office of the Arusha Regional Commissioner TShs. 156 million for land use planning (Habari Leo 23-11-2009), and in February 2010, the then Minister for Lands, John Chiligati, declared that the Government had set aside TShs.157 million for land use planning in Loliondo (Guardian 25-2-2010). The resulting irregular, non-participatory draft District Land Use Plan proposed turning the 1,500 km2 of important grazing land that’s OBC core hunting area into a “protected area”. The plan was rejected by Ngorongoro District Council.

In 2013 the then Minister for Natural Resources and Tourism, Khamis Kagasheki, in another attempt to grab the 1,500 km2 from the Maasai, shamelessly lied that the whole 4,000 km2 Loliondo Game Controlled Area (OBC’s hunting block that’s more than the whole of Loliondo Division of Ngorongoro District) would be a “protected area”, and the Maasai “landless” people who would be “gifted” with 2,500 km2 (containing agricultural land, forests, two “towns”, and district administrative offices) while the government would “keep” the 1,500 km2! After mass meetings, protest delegations to Dar es Salaam and Dodoma, and support from both CCM and Chadema, on 23rd September 2013, then PM Pinda revoked Kahasheki’s threats and told the Maasai to continue their lives on what obviously was village land per Village Land Act No.5 of 1999.

Sadly, OBC also have the resources to “befriend” people and play divide and rule, and they have very much used this. Allegedly, their local friends (employees, corrupt politicians, central government employees, and others) have a lot to gain by stirring up conflict and chaos.

Complicity in crime
Activism for land rights in Loliondo is risky, since representatives of central government have almost always sided with the “investors” against the people, and don’t only have the normal democratic state (or “government” as it’s said it Tanzania) powers, but also use arbitrary lawlessness and behaviours of a dictatorial regime. Besides threats and defamation, there have been illegal arrests and malicious prosecution with bizarre bogus charges. Added to this is now the fear of being shot by “unknown people” (wasiojulikana). Parts of the press, and foremost Manyerere Jackton of the Jamhuri paper, have also sided with OBC throwing any ethical concerns to the wind. This “journalist” has written over 40 articles with extreme hate speech against the Loliondo Maasai claiming that 70% of them would be “Kenyan” and governed by corrupt NGOs, and he has made up the most headless defamatory stories about different individuals. Sadly, the word “Kenyan” incites a xenophobic reflex in many Tanzanians that aren’t too concerned about facts, and many also believe stories about “30 NGOs” that incite against OBC to get international funds and benefit “Western investors”. There are two NGOs that used to speak up for land rights, but they have been intimidated into silence.

OBC are not alone
While the RC’s committee was at work finding a “solution to the conflict” ex-minister Maghembe appeared in Loliondo – with the worst anti-Loliondo “journalists” declaring that the 1,500 km2 had to be taken before the end of March, and then in March he brought the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Lands, Natural Resources and Tourism for such a co-opted Loliondo trip that several members complained about being used to rubber stamp Maghembe’s wish of giving the land to OBC.

The RC’s committee was working with two options: OBC’s 1,500 km2 Game Controlled Area as per Wildlife Conservation Act 2009, which means land loss, environmental destruction and increased conflict, since the Maasai obviously need to go somewhere, or a Wildlife Management Area (WMA), which means that the land is still village land, but more power is given to the Director of Wildlife, and to the “investor”, for whom grazing areas must be set aside. WMAs are usually imposed under heavy coercion and then presented as community initiatives, and the Loliondo Maasai have been able to reject the idea for over a decade and a half, but now all leaders saw it as the only way out, and when the RC’s committee reached the decision of a WMA it was seen as a victory.

OBC’s position was supported by the directors of the parastatals within the Ministry for Natural Resources and Tourism, and according to the Serengeti Chief Park Warden, Mwakilema, also by the Germans. In March he told Maghembe’s co-opted standing committee that funds from Germany’s Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ) through the state owned German Development Bank (KfW), for a Serengeti Ecosystem Development and Conservation Project implemented by Frankfurt Zoological Society (FZS) and TANAPA, were subject to the approval of the land use plan that would alienate the 1,500 km2 for a protected area, which has neither been confirmed nor denied by the Germans. FZS has campaigned against the Maasai of the Serengeti ecosystem since the 1950s and for many year, together with the Tanzanian government they tried to impose a WMA on Loliondo. When their wish was within reach it seems like they wanted more.

The victims’ ally?
The RC declared that the committee’s work would go on regardless of Maghembe’s statements and became the Loliondo leaders’ “only ally”, but there were wild protests wherever the committee went to look at “critical areas”, which was quite awkward for the leaders. Then the RC didn’t say a word about the illegal invasion of village land and human rights abuse committed by rangers that went on for two months. Are the wananchi now as intimidated and ready for a WMA as their leaders?

Failure to act against the crime
The reputation of many leaders in Loliondo has been seriously damaged by the illegal invasion on village land and prolonged human rights abuse. Their silence and inaction can, in the best case, be explained with fear. Many of them were already more or less shady characters, but the MP, Olenasha, was trusted by everyone, within and outside CCM, for his seriousness regarding land issues, and his silence is inexplicable. Among those that have spoken out are the councillors of Ololosokwan and Soitsambu, the chairmen of Ololosokwan, Kirtalo, Olorien and Arash, the CCM secretary of Ololosokwan, and the Chadema special seats councillor, Tina Timan. Onesmo Olengurumwa and four representatives from Loliondo visited CHRAGG that issued a stop order that was ignored.

Apparently the councillors issued a joint statement that I haven’t got hold of – with some delay – on 30th October!

On 21st September, Ololosokwan, Kirtalo, Olorien and Arash versus the Attorney General was filed in the East African Court of Justice.

Ordering the crime
The operation was ordered by the DC, Rashid Mfaume Taka, as head of the security committee, and a former university lecturer became a human rights criminal. This operation was planned together with Tanzania National Parks Authority (TANAPA) that also wanted to be seen as funding it. Does the president know anything about Loliondo? Does he care?

Why was Maghembe fired?
A delegation from Ololosokwan visited the Kenyan opposition leader, Raila Odinga, and then Raila talked to his friend President Magufuli who allegedly said that everyone involved would be fired, and two days later Maghembe and his deputy were removed in the cabinet reshuffle on 7th October. Magufuli was also met with, and collected, protest placards about Loliondo and Maghembe after commissioning officer cadets in Arusha. There was hope that Loliondo was a reason for firing Maghembe, but there were other reasons as well, and the new minister, Hamisi Kigwangalla, was ignorant, arrogant and frankly dangerous as deputy minister for health. It’s believed that CCM must do some serious damage control not to be wiped out in Ngorongoro in 2020 – and after Kigwangalla’s statements when visiting Loliondo 26th-27th October it does indeed seem like it’s what was done.

Between hope and despair
Kigwangalla said some disappointing words when he was inaugurated, and a few days later the spokesperson for the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism, Hamza Tembo, published the most horrible article in favour of the illegal operation. Instead of listening to the victims of crimes by rangers, on 19th October Kigwangalla issued a delirious letter ordering 6,000 alien cows and 200 (!) alien tractors out of Loliondo, which sounded like the typical distraction used by friends of investors. Things got a bit better on the 22nd when Kigwangalla ordered the re-issuing of 2018-2022 hunting blocks through auction, and said that hunting blocks with conflict wouldn’t be renewed until the conflict was solved. Could this be a way to get rid of OBC? Though then the timetable for Kigwangalla’s visit to Ngorongoro district didn’t show any meeting with victims. When Kigwangalla finally came to Loliondo there was the best possible news: he stopped the illegal operation.

Shooting cows
On 25th October, the day before Kigwangalla’s visit, 80 cows belonging to Sembere Kijuku from Arash were shot in Olembuya between Arash and Piyaya by Serengeti National Park rangers. A similar atrocity was committed by NCA rangers at Oldupai (Olduvai) on 26th September when two pregnant donkeys were shot. There are unconfirmed reports about other shootings in Arash and Maaloni, but not after Kigwangalla’s visit.

26th October
Kigwangalla arrived in Loliondo wearing rangers fatigues and met with the criminal security committee, but later he held an open meeting in which he described the fundamental problem as the increase of people and cattle, which is something the villages must deal with in their land use plans and by other means, but it’s also something that those that want to take their land have been telling them for a century or so. If consulting with any outside entity it should be with those with proven good will, and not with the “investors”, the Ministry for Natural Resources and Tourism, or “Germans”. The loss of land and ongoing scheming for taking more land wasn’t mentioned as a fundamental issue, nor the immense value of the land for outside interests, like investors and conservation organisations. The minister said the problem isn’t solved by one side using guns, but at the same time he mentioned that the other side using harsh words doesn’t solve anything either and must be stopped (when the side with the words is too intimidated to even use them!) and thereby he showed an astonishing lack of understanding of power relations. Or, I’ve been told that he understands, but is very “diplomatic”. Time will tell. The good part is that he stopped the “operation” and ordered cows not involved in any court case to be released, not only in Loliondo, but all over Tanzania where someone under his ministry is holding cows instead of doing conservation work. He declared the way forward as participatory conservation, but also saying that the conflict was now on the table of the PM, which he couldn’t say anything about here today. So, we’re back at waiting for Majaliwa, and the Serengeti ecosystem is full of rangers walking around free after having committed mass arson, beatings and illegal seizing of cows. Those ordering the crimes are also walking free.

Kigwangalla is apparently now seen as a hero by many in Loliondo.

Sensational news
On the 27th Kigwangalla was taken on a tour of areas of interest and shown animals reported to only have appeared after the arson attack, as if that would justify it if true. In the evening there was a stop in Ololosokwan. People who are really clueless about Loliondo started reporting in social media that Kigwangalla would have said that he’ll send OBC packing back to Dubai, but those from Loliondo just kept talking about the stopping of the “operation”. Horrible abuse has been initiated and stopped before, but OBC have never been sent packing. I was told the reason for the silence was disbelief. On the 29th Mussa Juma in the Mwananchi paper reported that Kigwangalla would have said that OBC’s days are counted. He would have told people to be patient while the government solves the Loliondo problems, and said that if he wanted OBC’s permit to end in January they weren’t going to renew it. The Mwananchi reported Kigwangalla as saying that the reasons were many, but among them the fact that the law doesn’t allow hunting blocks to be issued in areas with conflict, and that OBC isn’t using the whole 4,500 km2 (4,000?) hunting block. Though the latter isn’t really a problem at all, except for OBC themselves. The problem, besides shooting wildlife, allegedly (but without any proper reports for over a decade) sometimes not keeping to the law, is that OBC keep inciting conflict and lobby for turning the area that they do use into a “protected area”.
According Edward Qorro to the Guardian (the Tanzanian paper) Kigwangalla said OBC won’t be considered for licence renewal due to involvement in alleged human rights abuse and the over 25 years dispute, adding that OBC are “alleged” to be using wildlife rangers and local police to evict people from their homes. Well, they also use the DC and it’s in black on white on official document.

On ITV and on the very anti-Loliondo Channel 10, Kigwangalla is shown saying that OBC will have left by January, since that’s what he’s decided, but that even so, there won’t be more grazing, or water, and the area won’t increase. I would have said that in that case, at least one of those that want to take even more land from the Maasai will have left.
Channel 10 also showed Kigwangalla talking about a broken national park beacon and saying that he’d seen Kenyan bomas. I don’t know how he knew that. Did they have they Kenyan flag on the roof, or was he told by OBC, Mwakilema, DC, or someone?


Visit by the new Deputy Minister for Livestock
In the afternoon of Sunday 29thOctober the new Deputy Minister for Livestock and Fisheries, Abdallah Ulega, came to Ololosokwan. He complained about not having been informed by the District Executive Director, about the seizing of cows and he ordered the district council to build several livestock services. Ulega said that he would talk with the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism about the importance of grazing areas. According to the press, everyone present agreed to be patient and work with the government. Maybe orders about Loliondo are indeed coming from the highest level of government. The deputy minister came together with the DC who ordered the very violent and very illegal “operation”.

The Jamhuri…
The frontpage of 31/10–6/11 issue of the anti-Loliondo paper Jamhuri didn’t carry any surprises. In big letters Manyerere Jackton proclaims that Kigwangalla messed up (alikoroga) that he issued an order contradicting the one of the president, that he ordered a stop to the operation removing livestock from protected areas, that workers say they won’t implement it unless given written instructions, and that he’s revoked the hunting blocks granted by Maghembe. Manyerere pretends that Kigwangalla has stopped an operation in a protected area, when what’s stopped is an illegal attack on village land. The “journalist” also expresses how sorry he feels for the “conservationists” (human rights criminals) that have been stopped by a new minister who doesn’t understand anything. Even though Manyerere’s attack on Kigwangalla was rather mild compared to the insane defamatory stories the “journalist” has made up about other people, the minister expressed his dismay, and in social media demanded an apology.

Unknown
The least impressionable among the Loliondo Maasai think that the new holder of the hunting block (whoever it is, and there are some ideas …) would be the investor of the government’s long-wanted WMA that “elites” had already been “convinced” to want, and now mass arson, beatings and illegal seizing of cows may have succeeded in making common people ready to initiate by their own “free will”, since that’s “participatory conservation”.

Now the opportunity of getting rid of OBC can’t be lost, but most important of all is to secure the 1,500 km2 osero, and not allow any more invasions in the future. TANAPA and its Germans will still be around, and maybe others as well.

Update: On 3rd November both Channel 10 and ITV had new pieces with rangers complaining about cattle in Loliondo, and on 4th November Serengeti rangers illegally seized cows on village land in the  Enalubo,  Empipir, Endashat,  Mederi, and Irkikai areas of Ololosokwan, and drove them into Serengeti National Park, to the lobo area. 

Susanna Nordlund

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