Human Rights Criminals Visited a Charitable Project in the Form of a Military Camp in Loliondo

In this blog post:

The visit to the JWTZ camp

Tanzania People’s Defense Force JWTZ

Manongi, king of the NCA

DC Rashid Mfaume Taka – human rights criminal and perjurer

Summary of Osero developments of the past decades

It’s been revealed that the military camp in Loliondo is being made permanent, and with funding from the Ngorongoro Conservation Area Authority. I should have written about this immediately when I heard about it on 2^nd March, but I’m too sad, tired and stressed, and didn’t start writing until the weekend, and after that I needed to know what some people had to say about the draft ... Then, this past week, RC Gambo toured Ngorongoro District and had a visit to the military camp in his schedule, so I waited for another week, totally in vain, since “nobody” has heard anything about Gambo at the JWTZ camp. Due to an emergency, the RC had to return early to Arusha, and may therefore not even have visited the soldiers. I may update this blog post, and now it surprisingly seems like I may be getting information about another issue for next blog post.

Update 16th March: RC Gambo was at the military camp, “placing the foundation stone”.  Council Chairman Siloma had some stomach churning words of praise for the soldiers, but I’m too tired to analyze that at the moment.

The visit to the JWTZ camp

On Monday 2^nd March Azam tv aired a news piece from a visit to the Tanzania People’s Defense Force’s camp in Loliondo. This camp was set up in late March 2018 and now permanent structures are being built. The visitors were Ngorongoro DC Rashid Mfaume Taka and Ngorongoro chief conservator Freddy Manongi, and it seems like this visit took place on 1^st March or some day earlier, as part of a tour of Ujirani Mwema (good neighbourliness …) projects supported by the very wealthy Ngorongoro Conservation Area where many children suffer nutritional deficiencies, and where the conservator himself was pleading with the prime minister’s office to disallow building a pastoral girl school which was in the government’s plans (the school was allowed anyway).

DC and Chief Conservator next to each other in light blue shirts. Brig. Gen. Majani second from the left. Photo: NCAA

The funding provided by NCAA is mentioned as 500 million TShs, while NCAA in social media mention 200 million TShs, and other people have heard about other sums, and this is being done while the legitimate resource sharing with the residents within Ngorongoro is reportedly being illegally grabbed.

In the news clip appears Brigadier General Omar Majani, which means that for the first time I’ve got the name of someone responsible for these soldiers, other than the commander in chief. This Brig. Gen. Majani comments in the most absurd way saying that residents tell him that gunfire was regularly heard and dead bodies (!) found along the road every second week or week and half, but that since the past two years this is no longer happening and people sleep with open doors … While there’s some highway robbery and poaching, mostly committed by people from other areas, murder isn’t particularly common in Loliondo, and the most widespread brutality has been that of rangers working for “investors”. Contrary to Brig. Gen. Majani’s version of the Loliondo situation before and after their arrival, a year ago 26-year old Yohana “Babuche” Saidea was killed by the soldiers themselves and there isn’t any prosecution nor investigation.

The DC is, in the clip, said to worry about livestock from the neighbouring country, which hardly is an army matter, and in 2018 the soldiers were illegally seizing Tanzanian livestock … and then he goes further into the absurd, claiming that these days even wild, or ferocious (wanyama wakali), animals sleep at night and the situation is “75% stabilized”.

As known by readers of this blog, and by most people in Loliondo, these soldiers, the DC and Manongi are among the most dangerous criminals of the area.

Tanzania People’s Defense Force JWTZ

The military camp was set up in Lopolun, near Wasso town, around 24^th March 2018 and from the start there was fear and uncertainty regarding whether the soldiers were there for boundary issues with Kenya, or would be used to repress the land struggle and worsen the police state. Sadly, we’ve got the answer.

In May 2018 the police, led by the Officer Commanding Criminal Investigation Division in Ngorongoro District, conducted an intimidation drive to derail the case filed by four villages in the East African Court of Justice during the illegal invasion of village land with mass arson and human rights crimes, ordered by the DC in August 2017, and the fear was such that the only person speaking up was advocate Donald Deya. The presence of the soldiers has been said to have contributed to the unprecedented silence. Then, from late June there were several cases of soldiers attacking and torturing groups of people on village land in the Osero (and one case in Sukenya beating up some people who weren’t “respecting” Thomson Safaris’ landgrab there), without any clear information surfacing about who was ordering them. In one of the attacks committed by soldiers, on 27^th August 2018 at Kilamben, near Enalubo in Ololosokwan village, far from Serengeti National Park, six men, among them the former councillor Kundai, were at a meat-eating camp in the bush (orpul) when some fifteen soldiers arrived to torture them and interrogate them about guns, Kenyans, and cattle encroaching on protected areas, while their comrades were beaten. Kundai was so badly injured that he had to attend hospital, and so were others.

On 25^th September 2018, the East African Court of Justice issued interim orders restraining the government from evicting the applicants, destroying their homesteads, confiscating their cattle, and from harassing or intimidating them in relation to the case.

In brutal and flagrant violation of court orders, around 8^th November 2018 the soldiers had started beating and chasing away people and livestock from areas around OBC’s camp that was being prepared for guests. On 14^th November the attackers were burning down bomas in the areas from where they were chasing away people, while the silence continued. Besides areas of Kirtalo, areas of Ololosokwan, like Oloirien, Endashata, and Mederi were attacked by the so-called People’s Defence Force that had been set upon the people. The soldiers were telling their victims that they were beaten for having sued the government, and that the land was a “corridor”. On 16^th November, cows belonging to some people from Ololosokwan were caught in Oloirien (area between Ololosokwan and Kirtalo, not the village with the same name) and driven to Lobo in Serengeti National Park where the soldiers wanted to hand them over to the park rangers (the main implementers of the illegal operation in 2017) that refused. Instead the cows were released among predators at night. Some of the bomas burned were those of Shungur and of Cosmas Leitura in the Oloirien area, and a couple of days later, on 19^th November the Kuyo, Lukeine, and Masago bomas were burned in Orkimbai in Kirtalo. These were just some of the cases of arson.

Absolutely nobody at all was speaking up, not ward or village leaders, not traditional leaders, not the NGOs, not any women’s groups, and certainly not the MP who didn’t even say anything during the illegal operation of 2017. Some seemed convinced that the arson attacks were ordered by the highest level of government, which is the president, and told me that I was far away while they had their families in Tanzania, and bad things could happen to them. Others said that all leaders had been corrupted.  Reportedly, in the morning of 21^st November 2018, the council chairman, the district CCM chairman, and some village chairmen went to ask DC Rashid Mfaume Taka why people were being beaten. The highest presidential appointee and central government enforcer in the district, the criminal who officially ordered the illegal operation of 2017, DC Rashid Mfaume Taka, denied any knowledge about what was taking place.

The Serengeti rangers - maybe feeling encouraged that Kigwangalla’s U-turn was complete (see summary) - then joined the abuse seizing cattle on village land and beating up herders.

The soldier brutality was renewed for Christmas. On 19^th-20^th December 2018, several people were beaten by the soldiers, apparently for just being next to the road and not fast enough. Also on 20^th December, the army soldiers drove cattle from village land in Oloosek to Klein’s gate, and this time again the rangers refused to accept the seized cattle.

In the morning of 21st December, the soldiers descended upon the Leken area in Karkamoru sub-village of Kirtalo burning to the ground 12 bomas with all belongings inside. The cows were out, but young lambs and goat kids died in the fire. The names of whom the bomas belonged to that have been reported to me are Toroge, Moniko, Salaash, Shura, Kimeriay, Parmwat, Sepere, and Nguya. A 65-year old man and two pregnant women were beaten. Then, around 2 pm it started raining heavily. At the Saturday market in Soitsambu on 22nd   December people from Leken were buying big polyethylene sheets. The victims of arson in Leken stayed in place in makeshift tents, and started rebuilding.

It was said that the King of Morocco, who had visited OBC’s hunting block once before, had been expected for the days before Christmas, but postponed his plans.

This time, on 22^nd December 2018, a strange message from DC Rashid Mfaume Taka was shared in social media. He said he’d been informed about the attack when out of the district for work reasons, that he was sorry and had commissioned a team to visit the affected area. The DC also assured that there wasn’t any “operation” and said that the villagers should continue with their normal activities. He chose not to mention that the attackers were soldiers from the national army.

Surprisingly, RC Mrisho Gambo, accompanied by MP Olenasha, in mid-January 2019 made a statement condemning the arson as inhumane and done circumventing the regional security committee, but using madly vague words, not mentioning the soldiers, as if they would be wasiojulikana, the very dangerous unknown people who are known by everybody. Then a very tight lid has been put on all information, and nobody seems interested in investigating. Some who had thought that the president ordered the arson changed to saying that the soldiers were directly employed by OBC’s director, maybe involving the DC.

The soldiers went on terrorizing mostly non-pastoralist people in Wasso town. When one of their victims, 26-year old Yohana “Babuche” Saidea on 2^nd April 2019 passed away from torture injuries caused by soldiers, youths in Wasso held a peaceful manifestation. Reportedly, the Officer Commanding District was advising Babuche’s parents to “negotiate” with the soldiers instead of taking legal action. After this, the soldiers were transferred, and new ones brought to the camp at Lopolun. Since then, nobody has had anything to say about what these soldiers are doing, until Azam tv reported about their presence as were it some kind of charitable project.

It’s more than clear that the presence of soldiers in Loliondo is a greater danger than both highway robbers and poachers …

Manongi, king of the NCA
As chief conservator of the Ngorongoro Conservation Area, Freddy Manongi, has access to funds enormous enough to befriend anyone. When the Maasai were evicted from Serengeti in 1959 by the colonial government, as a compromise deal, they were guaranteed the right to continue occupying Ngorongoro Conservation Area as a multiple land-use area administered by the government, in which natural resources would be conserved primarily for their interest, but with due regard for wildlife. This promise was not kept, and the very substantial tourism revenue has turned into the paramount interest, while the human rights situation has deteriorated, which was worsened by the designation as a UNESCO World Heritage Site. In 1975, the Maasai living inside Ngorongoro Crater were violently evicted, and the same year cultivation was prohibited in NCA. This ban was lifted in 1992, but re-introduced in 2009 after threats from the UNESCO. The people of NCA are living under the colonial-style rule of the Ngorongoro Conservation Area Authority (NCAA), are not allowed to grow crops or build modern houses, have the past years been losing access to one grazing area after the other, and are suffering from high levels of child malnutrition. Research (Galvin et al.) has established that on average pastoral women in Loliondo – who aren’t under the yoke of the NCAA - were slightly taller and weighed 3.5kg more than those in NCA, while children of 1.5 to 2 years of age of Loliondo GCA weighed more than those of NCA by at least 1.5kg.

This blog primarily deals with land in Loliondo, and for a couple of years there has been talk about placing Loliondo under the NCAA, which obviously is the last thing needed by the Maasai. Further, Manongi has in encounters with the press expressed his opinion that the 1,500 km2 Osero (bushland) of important dry season grazing should be converted into a protected area, as was proposed in a rejected land use plan funded by OBC that organizes hunting for Sheikh Mohammed of Dubai, and uses the Osero as a core hunting area.

In September 2019, a Multiple Land Use Model report - prepared at the insistence of the UNESCO World Heritage Centre – and proudly presented by Manongi, proposed not only to annex the 1,500 km2 Osero in Loliondo to the Ngorongoro Conservation Area, that in itself would be an obvious disaster, but to do the same with extensive areas at Lake Natron GCA, and turn most of those areas into no-go zones for herders and livestock, together with most villages in Ngorongoro. In Ngorongoro Division (NCA) 17 out of 25 villages and 6 out of 11 wards would be affected, while the proposed “community development zone” into which people and livestock are supposed to be squeezed, is very dry and lacks proper water sources and grazing.  This would mean the end of Maasai life and culture in the whole of Ngorongoro district, and beyond. A new version of the report was prepared, this time including three “community representatives”, but the representatives panicked and refused to share the report that’s said to be as disastrous as the first version. Again, nothing public, but it’s been said that at a regional CCM meeting, it was promised that the proposals of the report would not be implemented and that everything would continue as it is.

The Pastoral Council – that represents to Maasai in the NCAA – issued a statement against Multiple Land Use Model report, but not in a strong enough way, and shortly thereafter the chairman was seen visiting charitable projects together with Manongi. The Pastoral Council is seen as toothless, compromised by Manongi, and thoroughly corrupt. Though the latest heard is that Manongi wants to completely remove it from the NCAA. At least several forces (NCAA, the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism, and the RC) want funds to bypass the Pastoral Council to instead go to the Ngorongoro District Council.  A better idea, I’m told, would be to make the Pastoral Council stand an independent entity, and not just like a branch of the NCA community development department.

However genocidal the Multiple Land Use Model report may be, some say that it’s not enough for Manongi who doesn’t want any kind of zonation, but his wish is to empty the whole of the NCA of people and livestock, and as seen in his media encounters, he also wants to empty the Osero in Loliondo, Lake Natron and probably other areas. Maybe he wants to empty the whole country and turn it into a playground for tourist and “conservationists”.

DC Rashid Mfaume Taka – human rights criminal and perjurer

Rashid Mfaume Taka, DC for Ngorongoro was first seen as a new kind of more “civilized” DC, but has proven to be the worst of the worst. Taka has ordered many lengthy illegal arrests for “reasons” that under other circumstances would be comical indeed – like when a Belgian nurse was arrested for several days, suspected of being me, even though I posted photos in social media proving otherwise … or when to keep people silent and fearful (or whatever) during the visit by the RC after the arson attacks committed by soldiers working for OBC, innocent people were arrested for several days suspected of having met me in Olpusimoru, Kenya, when I was far away in Sweden. It was this DC who officially ordered the illegal evictions from village land in 2017, which lead to Serengeti rangers – assisted by rangers from NCA, KDU, OBC and the district - committing multiple crimes like mass arson, beatings, seizing (in Arash even shooting) of cattle, and rape. In a statement from the MNRT and in media the DC talked about evictions 5 km into village land, which Tanapa’s map from the illegal operation also show, but this didn’t prevent him from committing outrageous perjury in the East African Court of Justice testifying that the operation would only have taken place inside the national park …

The DC leads the Ngorongoro Security Committee that since many years maintains a police state in Loliondo. This police state has been kept up through total lawlessness terrorizing anyone who could possibly dare to criticize OBC - and the American Thomson Safaris that claims ownership of 12,617 acres of Maasai land  - threatening and slandering such people, taking them to be interrogated by the Security Committee, questioning their citizenship, and illegally arresting them for prolonged periods. This police state worsened considerable by 2016, and in 2018 when the military camp was set up, almost complete silence was achieved.

As a human rights criminal and perjurer, the DC is far more dangerous than any highway robber or poacher found in Loliondo.

Summary of Osero developments of the past decades

All land in Loliondo is village land per the Village Land Act No.5 of 1999, and more than the whole of Loliondo is also a Game Controlled Area (of the old kind that doesn’t affect human activities and can overlap with village land) where OBC, that organises hunting for Sheikh Mohammed of Dubai, has the hunting block. Stan Katabalo – maybe Tanzania’s last investigative journalist - reported about how this hunting block was acquired in the early 1990s. By 2019 there does no longer seem to be journalists of any kind, when it comes to Loliondo.

In 2007-2008 the affected villages were threatened by the DC at the time, Jowika Kasunga, into signing a Memorandum of Understanding with OBC.

In the drought year 2009 the Field Force Unit and OBC extrajudicially evicted people and cattle from some 1,500 km2 of dry season grazing land that serve as the core hunting area next to Serengeti National Park. Hundreds of houses were burned, and thousands of cattle were chased into an extreme drought area which did not have enough grass or water to sustain them. 7-year old Nashipai Gume was lost in the chaos and has not been found, ever since.

People eventually moved back, and some leaders started participating in reconciliation ceremonies with OBC.

Soon enough, in 2010-2011, OBC totally funded a draft district land use plan that proposed turning the 1,500 km2 into the new kind of Game Controlled Area that’s a “protected” (not from hunting) area and can’t overlap with village land. This plan, that would have allowed a more “legal” repeat of 2009, was strongly rejected by Ngorongoro District Council.

In 2013, then Minister for Natural Resources and Tourism, Khamis Kagasheki, made bizarre statements as if all village land in Loliondo would have disappeared through magic, and the people of Loliondo would be generously “gifted” with the land outside the 1,500 km2. This was nothing but a horribly twisted way of again trying to evict the Maasai landowners from OBC’s core hunting area. There’s of course no way a Minister for Natural Resources and Tourism would have the mandate for such a trick of magic. After many mass meetings – where there was agreement to never again enter any MoU with OBC - and protest delegations to Dar es Salaam and Dodoma, the then Prime Minister Mizengo Pinda in a speech on 23^rd September the same year revoked Kagasheki’s threat and told the Maasai to continue their lives as before this threat that through the loss of dry season grazing land would have led to the destruction of livelihoods, environmental degradation and increased conflict with neighbours.

Parts of the press – foremost Manyerere Jackton in the Jamhuri newspaper – increased their incitement against the Maasai of Loliondo as destructive, “Kenyan” and governed by corrupt NGOs. OBC’s “friends” in Loliondo became more active in the harassment of those speaking up against the “investors”, even though they themselves didn’t want the new GCA that would be a protected area, and rely on others, the same people they persecute, to stop it… With Lazaro Nyalandu as minister the focus was on holding closed meetings trying to buy off local leaders, and there was sadly some success in this.

Speaking up against OBC (and against Thomson Safaris, the American tour operator claiming ownership of 12,617 acres, and that shares the same friends as OBC) had always been risky, but the witch-hunt intensified with mass arrests in July 2016. Four people were charged with a truly demented “espionage and sabotage” case. Manyerere Jackton has openly boasted about his direct involvement in the illegal arrests of innocent people for the sake of intimidation.

In July 2016, Manyerere Jackton wrote an “article” calling for PM Majaliwa to return the Kagasheki-style threat. In November 2016 OBC sent out a “report” to the press calling for the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism to intervene against the destructive Maasai. In mid-December 2016, the Arusha RC Mrisho Gambo was tasked by the PM with setting up a committee to “solve the conflict”, and on 25^th January 2017 the Minister for Natural Resources and Tourism, Maghembe, in the middle of the drought-stricken Osero, flanked by the most OBC-devoted journalists, and ignoring the ongoing talks, made a declaration that the land had to be taken before the end of March. In March 2017 Minister Maghembe co-opted a Parliamentary Standing Committee, and then Loliondo leaders’ “only ally”, RC Gambo’s, committee started marking “critical areas” while being met with protests in every village. German development money that the standing committee had been told was subject to the alienation of the 1,500 km2 was – after protests by 600 women – not signed by the district chairman. On 21^st March 2017 a compromise proposal for a WMA (that had been rejected in Loliondo for a decade and a half) was reached through voting by the RC’s committee, then handed over to PM Majaliwa on 20th April, and a long wait to hear the PM’s decision started.

While still waiting, on 13^th August 2017 an unexpected illegal eviction and arson operation was initiated in the Oloosek area of Ololosokwan and then continued all the way to Piyaya. Beatings, arrests of the victims, illegal seizing of cows, and blocking of water sources followed. Women were raped by the rangers. Many, notably the formerly serious MP, but not all leaders stayed strangely and disappointingly silent.

The DC and the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism explained the illegal operation with that people and cattle were entering Serengeti National Park too easily, while Minister Maghembe lied that the land was already the “protected area” wanted by OBC and others.

There was an interim stop order by the government organ Commission for Human Rights and Good Governance (CHRAGG), but the crimes continued unabated.

A case was filed by four villages in the East African Court of Justice on 21^st September 2017.

When in Arusha on 23rd September, President Magufuli collected protest placards against Maghembe, OBC and abuse, to read them later.

On 5^th October 2017 the Kenyan opposition leader, Raila Odinga, (who had met with people from Loliondo) told supporters that his friend Magufuli had promised him that all involved in the illegal operation in Loliondo would be fired.

In a cabinet reshuffle on 7^th October 2017 Maghembe was removed and Hamisi Kigwangalla appointed as new minister of Natural Resources and Tourism.

Kigwangalla stopped the operation on 26^th October 2017, and then made it clear that OBC’s hunting block would not be renewed, which he had already mentioned in Dodoma on the 22^nd.  On 5^th November, he fired the Director of Wildlife and announced that rangers at Klein’s gate that had been colluding with the investor would be transferred. Kigwangalla emphasized that OBC would have left before January 2018. He talked about the corruption syndicate at their service, reaching into his own ministry, and claimed that OBC’s director, Mollel, wanted to bribe him, and would be investigated for corruption. However, OBC never showed any signs of leaving.

Kigwangalla announced in social media that he on 13^th November 2017 received a delegation headed by the German ambassador and that the Germans were going to fund community development projects in Loliondo, “in our quest to save the Serengeti”. Alarm was raised in Loliondo that the district chairman would have signed secretly, which some already had suspected.

On 6^th December 2017, PM Majaliwa announced a vague, but terrifying decision to form a “special authority” to manage the 1,500 km2 Osero. He also said that OBC would stay. Manyerere Jackton celebrated the decision in the Jamhuri newspaper. Further information and implementation of this “special authority” has fortunately been delayed, even if it was mentioned in Kigwangalla’s budget speech on 21^st May 2018. The only additional information that has been shared is that the land, per Majaliwa’s plan, is to be put under the Ngorongoro Conservation Area Authority.

Sheikh Mohammed, his crown prince, and other royal guests visited Loliondo in March 2018, and Kigwangalla welcomed them on Twitter. Earlier, in restricted access social media, Kigwangalla had been saying that OBC weren’t a problem, but only the director, Mollel, and that Loliondo, with the “new structure” needed more investors of the kind.

Around 24^th March 2018 a military camp was set up in Lopolun, near Wasso town, by the Tanzania People’s Defence Force (JWTZ). Some were from the start worried that the aim was to further intimidate those speaking up against the land alienation plans, non-alarmists were saying that it was there for the Kenya border and for normal soldier issues.

An ambitious report about Loliondo and NCA, with massive media coverage (and some unnecessary mistakes) was released by the Oakland Institute on 10^th May 2018, and Kigwangalla responded by denying that any abuse had ever taken place, and threatening anyone involved with the report. He went as far as in social media denying the existence of people in Loliondo GCA.

In May-June 2018 there was an intimidation campaign against the applicants in the case in the East African Court of Justice, and silence became worse than ever.

From late June to late August 2018 there were several incidents of soldiers from the military camp set up in Olopolun attacking and torturing people.

On 25th September 2018 the East African Court of Justice ordered interim measures restraining the government from any evictions, burning of homesteads, or confiscating of cattle, and from harassing or intimidating the applicants.

In November 2018 while OBC were preparing their camp, reports started coming in that soldiers were attacking people in wide areas around the camp, while all leaders stayed silent. Information was piecemeal, and after a couple of days many people were telling that bomas had been burned in areas of Kirtalo and Ololosokwan.

Beatings and seizing of cattle continued in some areas, and on 21^st December the soldiers descended upon Leken in Kirtalo and burned 13 bomas to the ground, while the silence continued.

It was later revealed that a visit by Mohammed VI of Morocco had been planned for the days before Christmas 2018, but that it was postponed.

In January 2019 innocent people were again illegally arrested for the sole sake of intimidation.

Then RC Gambo on a Ngorongoro visit spoke up about the burning of bomas, but in a very vague way, without even mentioning the soldiers.

On 15^th  January the president issued a somewhat promising statement against evictions of pastoralists and cultivators, but which was later shown not to have been about Loliondo or Ngorongoro.

In February 2019 OBC’s director Isaack Mollel was surprisingly, on the initiative of the RC, reluctance by the police, and order by Minister Lugola, arrested for employing foreign workers without permits, released on bail, and then caught by the Prevention and Combatting of Corruption Bureau, and on 4^th March charged with economic crimes. On 29^th  March, the former District Security Officer Issa Ng’itu was added to the charges accused of having received over ten million shillings and a Landcruiser Prado from Mollel. Preliminary hearings in the criminal cases against Mollel keep being postponed, while Ng’itu was released and promoted. In October 2019, Mollel’s lawyers announced that their client had written to the Director of Public Prosecution to confess and pay back the money.

In September 2019, the Ngorongoro Chief Conservator announced a terrifying MLUM report that included not only to annexation of the 1,500 km2 Osero in Loliondo to the NCA, but to do the same with extensive areas of Lake Natron GCA, turn most of those areas into no-go zones for herders and livestock, and to do the same with most villages in NCA. There was a half-compromised statement by the Pastoral Council, and an even weaker statement by the councillors. A new version – including three “community representatives” – has not been shared, but is said to be just as bad.

Reportedly, on 21^st  November 2019 group of MPs (not the Ngorongoro MP) together with people with disabilities had made a “tourism study visit” to the OBC’s camp. Nobody seems interested in finding out more about this.

The first days of March 2020, it was revealed that the military camp in Lopolun was being made permanent with funds from the NCAA.

Silence is worse than ever, but there is grass.

Susanna Nordlund

sannasus@hotmail.com